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DIPLOMATS RAISED MORE DUST THAN HELPED SETTLE ISSUES
Lacunae in bilateral diplomatic engagements
Sadeq Khan
Vigorous public debate in the print media, in various forums of the civil society, in political party positions, and by explicit or implicit arguments in round-table discussions and TV talk-shows preceded the Dhaka visits of US Senior Assistant Secretary of state Richard A Boucher and Indian External Affairs Minister, Pranab Mukherjee last week.
The debates centered mainly around three issues. First and foremost is the land transit demand of India to and from Northeast India to mainland India through Bangladesh territory as placed with the last caretaker government of Bangladesh. The second is the US proposal of a Trade and Investment Framework Agreement (TIFA), the terms of which have been under negotiation between the officials of Bangladesh and USA from the time of the last BNP-Jamaat government. The third is the idea of a Regional Task Force to combat terrorism in South Asia as mooted by the present Prime Minister of the AL-Jatio Party government of Bangladesh.
About the first two of these issues, civil society as well as learned opinion are divided, but not so sharply as in the past. All advocate caution and adequate assessment of infrastructural and socio-economic implications of the two proposals, as well as their possible impact on our security and sovereignty. Political opinion continues to be hotly expressed in known hard positions. BNP-Jamaat speak against land transit for India and against certain terms of TIFA for USA. Left parties favour infrastructural integration with India and oppose US involvement in Bangladesh.
The new government ministers of Sheikh Hasina's government gave the appearance of patent confusion and lack of co-ordination in the face of these controversies. The foreign ministry said although the caretaker government had forwarded the Indian transit proposal to relevant ministries for examination and opinion, no initiative has been taken yet by the present government to instruct the relevant ministries to proceed, and the foreign ministry does not hold any brief on the matter. The commerce minister, perhaps mistaking or misrepresenting the existing Indo-Bangladesh Trade Agreement, which has a transit clause and which comes up for renewal every three years since 1980 (originally instrumentalised in agreed principles in 1972, according to BNP) to be the moot question, and suggested it was a fait accompli.
The transit clause provided in that agreement envisaged transshipment or movement of goods by waterways, roadways and railways "between two places in one country through the territory of the other" by "mutually beneficial arrangements." India has been using Bangladesh waterways for passage of its goods under arrangements reviewed and renewed from time to time. But no arrangement was made by successive governments for road or rail transit (apart from road or railway passage of carriages for vehicular imports of specific kind). Fragile infrastructure of Bangladesh and incompatibility of vehicular systems of the two countries have been, among other concerns, the stumbling block to any mutually beneficial arrangement in this regard. Under the SAARC connectivity scheme, the incompatibilities in the cargo traffic systems regionally are being looked into. Evidently Bangladesh does not need any passage "between two places in the country" through anyone else's territory. By itself the requirement is therefore one-sided, and cannot be considered "mutually beneficial" except in the package of other reciprocal concessions. That was the most potent argument of civil society leaders of opinion, apart from security considerations of Bangladesh (Incidentally it was noted how the Indian security state always impose on multilateral trade through its own territory harsh surveillance terms discouraging traffic).
In the event, during the visit of the Indian External Affairs Minister, the matter of land transit arrangement did not come up. The Indo-Bangladesh Trade Agreement renewal was signed, a month ahead of the previous agreement's expiry in March. Also signed without much ado was an Indo-Bangladesh Investment Promotion and Protection Agreement, with meaningful reciprocity and with dispute-settlement and insurance provisions possibly not very dissimilar to those in TIFA. Certain US laws for unilateral action in trade related issues with possible political implications had rendered TIFA, the terms of which have not been made public, controversial from the outset and strong political opposition to its signing without careful review took root.
The US Senior Assistant Secretary of state, during his visit, allayed public apprehensions in this regard by declaring that the US was not in a hurry to sign the TIFA accord, nor was USA interested in seeking any military facility in Bangladesh. The US envoy, however, showed interest in the regional task force proposal of Bangladesh for combating terrorism in South Asia as a transnational phenomenon. He said USA would offer technical assistance to such a regional task force.
The accident of Richard Boucher's visit preceding Pranab Mukherjee's day-long visit (Mukherjee's visit was in fact delayed on account of prime ministerial responsibilities devolved on him on account of hospitalisation and heart surgery of Dr. Manmohan Singh, the Indian head of government) was perceived by some Bangladeshis as a damper for the "hegemonic posture" of India towards Bangladesh. That may be the result of coloured vision, but political opinion in the country, including that of many in the ruling party are showing signs of disaffection under a prolonged informal psy-war offensive being carried on by "big-brother" India to disparage Bangladesh and to tame its people.
Ahead of Praban Mukherjee's visit, a commentary with a question mark "Good News in Dhaka?" presumed to be Delhi-inspired, came out in the Newsweek of USA. It suggested: "Bangladesh is typically seen as one of the world's worst basket cases. Desperately poor, racked by environmental disasters and plagued by corrupt and ineffective government, its chief export has long been its own people. Every year, several hundred thousand impoverished Bangladeshis leave home in search of better opportunities abroad. Just last week, a rights group in Bangkok accused the Thai military of forcing up to 1,000 Bangladeshi migrants, who'd attempted to reach the country in flimsy boats, back out to sea, where many of them are believed to have drowned."
The "basket case" predicament in which Bangladesh found itself after the Liberation War has long been overcome by the enterprise of the new nation-state which has now a competitive place in the world economy. The report overlooks that fact and then completely distorts the story of Myanmar Rohingyas put back to sea by Bangkok, calling them "Bangladeshi migrants." Bangladesh does not have any pressure of emigration of such desperate proportions. The commentary continues: "Bangladesh has also lately attracted the worried attention of Western security agencies due to the growing Islamic radicalism of its 150 million Muslims. The country has long harboured various insurgent groups seeking independence in India's remote Northeast. But in the last few years, it has also begun to play host to a variety of jihadi groups suspected of helping to carry out attacks against both Western and Indian targets, including the 2008 bombings in Jaipur and Delhi." Another distortion of baseless reports in Indian media.
The propagandist concludes: "India and Western powers hope the new government will address their other big source of concern: Bangladesh-based terrorism. Analysts argue that the Awami League tilts toward New Delhi and may grant its requests to crack down. And Bangladesh's main Islamist party saw its parliamentary holdings drop from 17 seats to 2 in the December poll, suggesting the public is disillusioned with Islamic radicalism. ......
India, though, is not taking any chances. Earlier this month, New Delhi decided to speed construction of a fence along the two countries' shared 4,000km border-a sign of how far Bangladesh still has to come."
The new government of Bangladesh is certainly not amused by such task-master sermons. Further psychological pressure was built up the Mumbai terror attack. Initially some reports in the Indian media suggested that one of the attackers was of Bangladeshi origin. The matter of Bangladeshi involvement in Mumbai terror attack cropped up again in the Pakistani media, wherein it was suggested that a member of the larger terror team that carried out the Mumbai attack was of "Bangladeshi" parentage, keeping it vague whether that person was Pakistani or Indian national. Indian government has thereafter officially confirmed that the person referred to was only logistically involved in selling in Calcutta sim cards for the use of the terror team.
Nevertheless, during Mukherjee's visit in Dhaka a West Bengal journalist accompanying him asked Bangladesh Foreign Minister Dr. Dipu Moni whether Bangladesh would allow itself to be used by Pakistan as a "buffer state" for export of terror to India. The highly-loaded and offensive question was parried by Dr. Dipu Moni, but after the event, other ruling party ministers and indeed the AL working committee itself took exception to the aspersion underlying that question. The LGRD minister and party spokesman of the Awami League, Syed Ashraful Islam, in an implied rebuke, said that "the Foreign Minister might not have understood the implication of the question", and the State Minister of Foreign Affairs, Dr. Hasan Mahmud strongly rejected the notion behind the Indian journalist's question. He said, 'We never allow our soil to be used by any quarters against our neighbours. So the question of the Indian mediaman is totally baseless.'
The idea of regional antiterrorist task force, raised during Mukherjee's visit, obtained a lukewarm response from India. The Indian External Affairs Minister talked about good intentions and necessary will of the regional governments being the pre-requisite. The Indian High Commissioner in Bangladesh said the idea needed to be examined first. Certain adverse comments by the Indian High Commissioner rubbishing the public controversy in this country about Indian transit demand, on the other hand, provoked angry outcry from the political opposition. The visits have thus raised more dust than helped settle issues.
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Foreign and defence policies lose traction
M. Shahidul Islam
The most painful issue in Indo-Bangladesh relations has been not how India tried to get from Bangladesh everything it wanted, but why Bangladesh has had to behave in the manner it did so far.
In the process, much of what is achieved by a particular regime has gotten lost at certain points of history, resulting in the loosing of the very tractions needed to pursue a cohesive policy framework that is most conducive to the greater interest of the people. With the AL's coming to office, the nation is faced with such a dilemma once again.
The most detrimental aspect of such 'shifting of gears' in foreign and defence policies is the abandonment of the very fundamental principles which should serve as the indispensable yardsticks to ensure preservation of vital national interests.
That not being the case, and the Indo-Bangladesh relations having often traversed such a perilous path due to constant Indian pressures to extract everything from Dhaka in return for some superficial and cosmetic quid pro quo, our power to bargain better has diminished by the day.
Added to the seemingly chronic abstention from the parliament of the opposition MPs - and the abrupt resignation of the so called 'Guru of Digital Bangladesh', Maj. Gen. Monzurul Alam (retd), from the post of BTRC chairman (for allegedly imposing on him decisions that could undo all that he's done so far) - something seems not quite well within the body politic of the nation.
An unpredictable face off
Foremost among the troubling signs is an unpredictable face off that had occurred last week between various agencies of the government in the wake of the Indian foreign minister's visit to Dhaka. The 'behind the scene' tug of war relates to the slated discussions on fashioning a regional task force, something the Prime Minister had made a pre-election agenda to implement, if voted to power.
Sources say the higher echelon of the military objected to the formation of such a force, resulting in the Prime Minister asking the army chief himself to explain out the nuances of it before the Indian foreign minister, personally. Thus came the declaration from Pranob Mukherjee that a bilateral task force, as opposed to the regional one wanted by the Prime Minister- was more realistic.
This declaration fell in line with the bilateral defence collaborations already in place, especially the evolving military to military ties that are slated to kick off from February 22 when the two armies join in a war game in the Indian state of Assam, for the first time. The exercise continues until March 7.
Sources also say the army chief had to debrief the Prime Minister later on the content of his discussions with Mr. Mukherjee.
If that seems like a text book version of classic crisis management with respect to defence policies, the foreign office too also seemed stuck in a limbo while it tried to uphold, on one hand, the pre-election promise of the party in power to stitch together a regional task force - in which no other countries showed any willingness so far - and the ground realities, on the other.
Meanwhile, the idea of cobbling such a hybrid force having emanated from Washington, only the US's Assistant Secretary for the region, Richard Boucher, termed the idea as 'positive' during his recent Dhaka visit.
Two deals & a smile
That does not mean the Indian foreign minister left Dhaka empty-handed and grumpy. Two deals were signed on February 9; one a brand new 'Bilateral investment promotion and protection agreement (Bipa), and the other a renewal of the 1980 trade agreement. The suave top diplomat of India thus managed to leave Dhaka smiling, albeit concerned.
And, viewed from the vantage of past experiences, Mukherjee's successes in Dhaka far outweighed the bottlenecks seen strewn on his way.
For example, the first deal has smoothen ways and means for intrusion into Bangladesh of the previously abandoned TATA like projects, while the second one has started the ball rolling toward signing of a new deal on transit and trans-shipment in coming months.
Although Article 8 of the 1980 bilateral trade agreement stipulates that both countries will facilitate land, air and water transits of goods, the prospect of allowing land corridor to India always predicated upon Delhi first allowing Bangladesh the similar facilities with Nepal and Bhutan; to allow the two landlocked small neighbours the much wanted privilege of using our port facilities in Mongla and Chittagong, and thus help establish regional connectivity.
Curiously, that prospect - which was wrapped in an approach to resolve the connectivity issues of all neighbours - has never received any serious attention from Delhi, despite Bangladesh having allowed India inland water transit facilities pursuant to the IWT&T Protocol of 1972 - at Narayanganj, Sirajganj, Khulana and Mongla - and the last CG having signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) in mid-February 2008 with respect to mutual air services.
Military needs met
The 2008 MoU relating to air transportation allowed India to transport by air not only commercial goods, but all types of military hardware to the troubled North Eastern Indian states without Dhaka being granted an opportunity to raise question about the contents of the consignments being transported over its sky.
Prepared in total secrecy, the MoU also agreed to allow Indian military cargo aircrafts to land and take off inside Bangladesh soil, without any prior notification, according to sources.
Why then the need of forming a joint task force arises, and, India having procured from the USA about two squadrons of transport aircrafts that can land and take off surreptitiously on any terrain, did not that deal already serve India's military aim more than any desired commercial gains expected out of it?
Is transit a done deal?
We know the CG has done much of what India wanted although it got stuck with the land transit issue which the Commerce Minister Faroque Khan said would be concluded as a separate agreement in the future.
Sources however say the transit deal's draft version has already been gathering dust for quite a while, and, we have no reason not to believe. For, on March 13, 2008, Sudhakar Dalela, the councillor for trade and commerce at the Indian High Commission in Dhaka, was quoted by an Indian media outlet as having said the 'Bangladesh government was actively considering the Indian proposal to allow Chittagong port for use by India' to transport goods to Tripura's border town of Sobrom, which is only 75 km from Chittagong port.
Prior to that, officials from both governments visited the proposed transit zone and prepared reports. The proposed deal, which may be signed any time, contains permission for India to connect Kolkata and Agartala by using Bangladesh land to reduce distance between West Bengal and Tripura from 1,500 km to 350 km.
Undiplomatic verbiage
The geopolitical health of the region being what it is, all these are vital foreign policy matters with serious military and economic implications. That is why both parties must conduct comprehensive research and look eye ball to eye ball before more inks are spent on signing any more of such agreements.
Unfortunately, until now, Delhi seems to have preferred talking C when the issues in concern were A & B. That fact has come to light anew when the Indian High Commissioner in Dhaka accused the BNP of talking 'oul foul' (literally meaning bullshitting around) due to BNP's objection to the formation of a task force to combat extremism.
Unsurprisingly, the High Commissioner's undiplomatic verbiages are in sync with how Delhi has been trying to convince Dhaka over the years of the economic gains to be derived from transit to offset the virtually Himalayan trade imbalance that has piled up in India's favour, despite the two issues not being mutually inclusive.
Trade Vs. transit
Bilateral trade is something where a label playing field is needed to balance the book. That India's export to Bangladesh overshot $3.6 billion mark in FY 2007-08 alone (which was just $1 billion in FY2001-02) - against Bangladesh's export to India reaching only $350 million - is not indicative of the prevalence of any positive ground for Bangladesh, let alone a label playing field.
Besides, revenue earned from bilateral trade is always distinct from what can be expected as tolls from Indian transports once they are allowed to cruise through our territory, although, such revenues will constitute an integral part of the overall trade basket.
Question also remains, in terms of raw cash, how much they could be and are they nearly enough to make any significant difference to propel the trade relationship toward a viable label playing field?
Studies show Bangladesh is likely to receive, in distant future, $500 million revenue if the prospective toll from a regional connectivity scheme-comprising of transports from Nepal & Bhutan too- is added together. Until Nepal and Bhutan are added to the scheme in a regional approach to connectivity, Bangladesh's annual earning from Indian transport alone can not be more than $100-$150 million at the most, annually.
Now look from a different angle. In return for signing the air transport deal in February 2008, Bangladesh received a promise of only US$150 million line of credit from India for railways development in bordering areas. The stipulated allocation indicates the money has to be spent to shore up India's interests, and, it was a credit. Yet, this measly offer has created so much of hypes among the CG stalwarts that the army chief rushed to India to upstart the Dhaka-Kolkata train service which has now become a venture lost in the wilderness.
A security nightmare
That is why we term such exercises as political slam- dunking. Reality is: Not only Bangladesh lacks infrastructure to accommodate Indian transports from Chittagong port to Tripura, an extra vigilance is required at the Tripura border points to guard against cross border arms smuggling of Indian North Eastern insurgents.
There is also a genuine fear of North-Eastern insurgents ambushing Indian convoys inside Bangladesh, something that might end up in India blaming Bangladesh for its failure to safeguard Indian interests, or in abrupt suspension of such a facility by Bangladesh. Under such a scenario, bilateral ties could become very inimical and the dream of regional economic connectivity for multilateral benefits could face serious jolts.
Surveillance is also needed to ensure that goods imported for Indian North East via Chittagong port do not end up in Bangladesh markets to inflate the fortunes of Indian importers by inspiring random smuggling - or illegal dumping- inside Bangladesh.
We also find it tedious that our government has to be reminded time and again that these moves are mere geopolitical agendas aimed at regional hegemony. By obtaining facilities to use Chittagong port to connect Tripura - and the Dhaka-Kolkata rail link having already established transportation of Indian goods between Kolkata and the Northeast States of Assam, Meghalaya, and Arunachal Pradesh - Delhi has obtained much of what it needed to connect with the landlocked North East while our economic future further eclipsed and the tentacle of razor sharp barbed wire continued to chain us from all directions.
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Can Bangladesh dance to big
powers' tune?
Abdur Rahman Khan
The question is being focused after either coincidental or coordinated visits of the Indian Foreign Minister Pranab Mukharjee and the U.S. Assistant Secretary of State for South Asia Richard Boucher.
Analysts tend to think that India and the US had played a well coordinated role from behind in bringing Sheikh Hasina's grand alliance to power through an election. But the subsequent developments seem to indicate that both have different agenda to pursue and different interest to advance.
India has kept numerous bilateral disputes pending with Bangladesh over the decades. The 1974 Mujib-Indira agreement relating to border has not been implemented by India on the plea that the Indian parliament is yet to ratify it. However, without waiting for Delhi's initiatives, Dhaka on its part had it ratified in the parliament and kept its part of the agreement. The problem with Tin Bigha corridor; the road transit facility with Nepal, dispute over sharing of Ganges water and the territorial right over Talpatty island remain unsolved.
The killings of Bangladeshi citizens by Indian Border Security Force personnel continues unabated. Indian campaign against a Muslim majority Bangladesh is a continuous phenomenon.
Speechless
The new Bangladesh Foreign Minister Dr. Dipu Moni failed to bring all these and other issues to the table of discussion with her counterpart Pranab Mukharjee. Knowledgeable circles say they were not totally surprised. But many a feather were ruffled even within the ruling party when she remained speechless on the question of Pakistan's using Bangladesh "as buffer state" for sending terrorists across India. The question was asked by an Indian newsman accompanying Mukherjee.
It did not help her either when a sympathetic Dhaka newsman offered to help by asking her if she agreed with the questioner or would deny it, she maintained her silence. The prolonged silence of an otherwise articulate foreign minister spoke loudly of her dilemma.
The question of signing agreements on transit and the formation of joint task force was high in discussion before Pranab's visit but the actual outcome was something else. Mukharjee signed two agreements with Bangladesh. One of the two deals is basically a renewal of an old one relating to transit of Indian goods through Bangladesh.
The new one, Bilateral Investment Promotion and Protection Agreement is committed to allow Dhaka to invest in the Indian market, particularly in the northeast of that country.
Seven obstacles
However, Bangladesh Foreign trade Institute (BFTI) identified seven obstacles in the face of improving business and trade between the two neighbours. The problems remain hanging for last 38 years since the Independence of Bangladesh. The problems are related to sensitivity of the goods, non-tariff barriers, standardizations of the products, packaging and warehouse facility.
The unsolved problems contributed to widening gap in balance of trade that presently stands at about $3000 million against Bangladesh. The SAFTA even could not help improve Bangladesh Business position with India, the business community observe.
Meanwhile, Bangladesh has chosen a non-economic issue - regional task force- to fight against terrorism at this time when the entire world is facing economic instability following the global financial meltdown.
Bangladesh formally proposed setting up of a regional task force to fight terror but received a lukewarm response from India which made it clear that such a framework alone was not enough and required "sincerity" to fight the menace.
"So far as the concept of regional task force to fight terrorism is concerned, already certain regional and international mechanisms exist. All of us are part of UN Security Council resolution....to ban terrorist organisations," Mukherjee said at a joint press conference with Dipu Moni.
However, Richard Boucher appreciated Bangladeshi Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina's proposal for setting up an anti-terrorism task force in South Asia. But he said they will see how other countries in the region will react to it. If necessary, U.S. will look forward to supporting it, he added. He said U.S. extends all cooperation so terrorists cannot use the soil of Bangladesh.
Richard Boucher also expressed US desire to assist Bangladesh in securing its unprotected maritime boundary if Dhaka desired. "I think there is some interest in maritime patrol so that you can protect your sea areas better," Boucher told journalists at the Zia International Airport on the eve of his departure for India. Two US generals had come to Bangladesh before Boucher's visit.
In stead of pursuing the TIFA, US this time took up a new issue concerning Bay of Bengal. The USA is actually looking for an opportunity to have its presence in the Bay of Bengal where Bangladesh has got maritime disputes with both Myanmar and India.
The possible presence of US navy in the name of securing Bangladesh maritime boundary is perceived to be a treat to the geo-strategic interests of the close neigbours like India, Mayanmar and China.
The left leaning political parties have already voiced their concern against the US presence in the Bay of Bengal in the name of security. It would put Bangladesh in to a vulnerable situation, warned the political parties.
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BROADER VISION NEEDED
Transit should be widened in
SAARC region
Faruque Ahmed
Indian foreign minister Pranab Mukherji's short but very crucial visit to Dhaka last week left behind a long debate on transit issue and several other sensitive subjects that could create a new environment in relations between the two countries.
The official sources however, said though transit was high on the agenda ahead of his visit here, in fact no such agreement has been signed during Mukherji's visit.
News reports said Bangladesh and India signed on the occasion a bilateral trade agreement and a new agreement to bolster bilateral investment promotion and protection between the two neighbours.
The two sides have moreover, reviewed all options to strengthen the transport connectivity between the two countries by waterways, railways and road under the bilateral trade agreement. Moreover, they exchanged views on formation of a regional anti-terrorism task force, peaceful border management and finalisation of demarcation of land and maritime border of the two countries.
Commerce minister Faruk Khan and state minister for foreign affairs Dr Hassan Mahmud told newsmen later that discussion on transit will continue and an agreement may be reached some time in future for which detailed appraisal of related issues need to be done.
Though the agreement on transit is yet to be worked out, news reports, however, said under the renewed bilateral trade agreement -- which was at first signed in 1980 by BNP government, as Awami League claimed; while BNP said it was originally signed by Sheikh Mujib and Indira Ghandi in 1972 -- both countries will now be able to use each other's roads, waterways and railways for transportation of goods through the territory of other.
Explaining the implication of the renewed trade agreement, news reports quoted official sources here as saying, "If the treaty originally signed in 1980 is implemented, not only India will be benefited in transporting goods to its north-eastern states, Bangladesh will also have a huge economic boost by being able to use the Indian territory to reach its merchandise to Nepal and Bhutan on land".
Under the current understanding and application of bilateral trade agreement, India will be able to use Ashugonj as a port of call to reach its goods from West Bengal through waterways to transport it to Agartala using Akhaura transport corridor.
India will build railway link from Akhaura to Agartala for this purpose. Moreover, it may also use roads and railways to carry goods under the provision of the renewed trade agreement through Bangladesh.
'Proxy phrases', complexity
Analysts here say transit facility is already in place in the existing bilateral trade agreement with India under some 'proxy phrases' without directly taking the word in the usage.
Carrying of goods through railways, roads and waterways as provided under the Indira-Mujib agreement and later renewed by BNP-led trade agreement as may be the case, is distinctly accommodative of transit, says strategic analyst Brig. Gen. (Retd) Shahidul Anam Khan at a seminar last week. So whether a new agreement may be worked out and signed or not, the facility may be at work soon if parties want it so, observers here say.
Informed sources suggest that India is asking for transit routes through six exit points over Bangladesh and the real complexity may arise in negotiating the extensive connectivity in broader and wider scale in all directions.
Geo-strategic goals, SAFTA
Strategic analysts here say, India is moving quite selfishly to attain its geo-strategic goals under the cover of business transit at a time when it is denying Bangladesh's legitimate market access to its own bigger market. The SAFTA has failed to deliver anything notable to Bangladesh except a unilateral duty-free market access of 8.0 million pieces of readymade garments to Indian market.
Although the northeastern Indian states are attractive destinations of Bangladesh goods, India is not opening it to Dhaka's exports under various non-tariff and para-tariff restrictions.
One may wonder to see Agartala has a 'Bangali market' but all merchandise being smuggled in there on restriction of official imports on various pretext. They are not even building the trade infrastructure on the Indian side of the border to facilitate imports from Bangladesh.
L/Cs at Guwahati only
Business sources say, Indian government has only one bank branch at Guwahati to open L/Cs for imports from Bangladesh and this L/C is again has to be re-confirmed from the bank's regional office at Kolkata. Moreover, importers have to answer a number of questions in a format to justify imports from Bangladesh across the border.
Analysts say, this is time for opening up of the region to business and economic integration to curb out a new South Asia and transit and regional connectivity are the pre-requisites to achieve it. But the question is why a small nations like Bangladesh always come under pressure while the bigger ones like India wants to go away with the prizes.
$10 billion from Bangladesh
A former FBCCI president speaking at a seminar last week in the city said, the net outflow of cash annually from Bangladesh to India stands on an average at US$10 billion including $ 3.37 on payment of imported merchandise in the formal sector. There are moreover, illegal imports, payment for about 67,000 students studying in different Indian schools and colleges, in addition to payment for tourism including visits by a large number of Bangladeshis to religious sites and for medical treatment.
Against all these Bangladesh's formal export to India last year stood at US$ 357 million, he said wondering why India is always on the receiving end without opening the two-way traffic to source more imports from here.
No Indian investment
Other analysts say India wants Bangladesh to sell its infrastructure and other surface facilities to make good the losses in the trading front. The FBCCI leader wonder why India is not investing in Bangladesh's border areas close to the north-east and supplying to its markets from here instead of bringing goods from its western part. India can save huge transportation cost and Bangladesh can have more jobs and more exports to shore up its ever sinking balance of payment liability.
When this kind of negative mentality works, as is evident on the Indian side, even a good arrangement can eventually become counter-productive at the end, analysts say.
Some transit experts recently became more vocal here to justify the case even at the cost of the nation's security concerns. A newly elected MP came out in the seminar to support transit saying it may fetch $500 million to $1 billion annually at a time when Bangladesh has hardly any excess exportable for Indian market. But when he was saying it, he had no basis of quoting the figure as Bangladesh had never carried out a cost-benefit analysis on its financial and economic benefits.
"They are out to sell their politics blindfolded", said a critic questioning, "otherwise why are the authorities not taking a cost-benefit analysis given the additional investments that may be required to expand roads, rebuild bridges and remake many other facilities?"
Tariff, non-tariff walls
Referring to remarks made by the speaker that Bangladesh has no surplus exportables for the Indian market, analysts question as to why in the first place then India is putting its market under various tariff and non-tariff walls.
Secondly, they say, market creates its demand through diversification of exports and expansion of existing manufacturing outlets. This is how garments became a global competitor, they said adding India must remove the major export items of Bangladesh from its negative list to make the free trade system working smoothly for the benefit of its disadvantaged partner.
Professor Ashrafuddin Chowdhury of Dhaka University in his speech dismissed the security concerns saying Bangladesh is now a member state of the United Nations, in addition to so many multilateral organisations. In this context, Ambassador Shafi Sami explained that the security of a nation state is no longer in the hand of a national government. It is part of a collective security system, so one should not raise the security issue to find fault with the working out of the regional transit system.
Broader vision
People in Dhaka have a broader vision, are more open-minded and not opposed to transit, provided it is not turning into a corridor facility. However, experts say, in view of the land scarcity of the country, its waterways and railways may be a better choice for transit of goods. Besides, Dhaka not only wants similar facility to Nepal, Bhutan and Pakistan -- passage should be given to Bangladesh traffic for reaching Kunming through Mizoram and such other exit points.
Bangladesh is always in the forefront of change to bring transformation and development in the region. But it must be a holistic arrangement on all fronts -- transit alone would not suffice leaving behind other issues in the cold, observers here say.
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Zillur Rahman sworn in President
of Bangladesh
Holiday Report
Veteran Awami League leader Zillur Rahman was sworn in as the 19th President of the country in a ceremony held at the Bangabhaban Darbar hall on Thursday evening.
The opposition BNP has congratulated Zillur Rahman on his being elected president.
Earlier, on Wednesday, Chief Election Commissioner ATM Shamsul Huda declared the 79-year-old veteran politician elected unopposed as no other nominees were put forward for the presidential election. as there was none to con test for the post.
The ruling party nominated Zillur, deputy leader of the house, for the titular head of state soon after assuming power in January.
President-elect Zillur expressed his desire to work for the welfare of his countrymen, speaking on the eve of his oath taking. "I will work for the people neutrally, even though I will be away from active politics," he told newsmen.
Zillur Rahman said the nation was facing many problems which increased in the past two years. "We have to alleviate poverty and create employment. Everybody should work together to take the country forward," he said.
Zillur Rahman was born on March 9, 1929 at Bhairab in Kishoreganj and took to politics in his student days. He was elected lawmaker in the ninth parliamentary elections, and past elections of 1973, 1986, 1996 and 2001, from his Kishoreganj (Kuliarchar-Bhairab) constituency. He was also elected to the provincial council (Pradeshik Parishad) in the 1970 election.
Awami League president Sheikh Hasina made Zillur acting party chief after she was arrested in 2007 during the regime of the military-installed caretaker government amid the state of emergency.
Meanwhile, outgoing president Iajuddin Ahmed received a joint guard of honour from the three armed forces at Sena Kunja, and laid wreaths before the 'eternal flame', in Dhaka Cantonment earlier in the day.
Iajuddin took oath as the 18th president of the republic on Sept 6, 2002, after AQM Badruddozza Chowdhury resigned from the office on June 21, 2002. Speaker Jamiruddin Sircar was acting president from June 21 to September 5, 2002.
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Torture under watch of
Caretaker Government?
Abdul Hannan
The Anti Corruption Commission (ACC) of late has been an object of controversy by serious of allegations of wrong doing and illegal activities, harassment and torture in course of its anti corruption campaign during the emergency rule under the caretaker government.
Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina in reply to a question told the Jatiya Sangsad that the ACC was initially engaged in useful anti corruption drive but later its actions came under scrutiny when it started its activities towards controlling politics and splitting political parties. She said ACC will be reorganised to make it effective and transparent. Earlier, Awami league general secretary, Abdul Jalil, Awami league party presidium member Mohiuddin Khan Alamgir and former BNP law minister Maudud Ahmed alleged that they were victims of harassment and torture during their detention.
The ACC Chairman Hasan Mashud Chowdhury in an implicit reply to Prime Minister Hasina's remarks, however, categorically denied that the ACC was politically motivated in its actions against corruption adding that its prosecution of cases were done within legal framework of investigation based on burden of evidence and hard facts. Reinforcing the statement of his boss, the director general of ACC, Col. Hanif Iqbal came out with a forceful disclaimer of allegations of torture levelled by 'some important persons' against ACC and said there was no scope of torture by the Commission as they had no logistics or wherewithal of torture. Nor the terms of reference of their job description provided any opportunity for torture.
He said the inquiry and investigation by ACC depended entirely on information collected from NBR and bank accounts and not on interrogations which was the sphere of activity of enforcement agencies. He said cases against Sheikh Hasina, M.K Alamgir, Abdul Jalil, Maudud Ahmed and many important persons were filed by ACC long after their arrest. He provided one important missing point that those who were accusing the ACC of torture and repression were perhaps confusing the ACC with the Joint Task Force formed by a government order under the control of National Coordination Committee (NCC) headed by an adviser of the Caretaker government. It is a common knowledge that the oversight of the NCC was done by GOC 9th division Lt. General Masud who has since been dispatched to Australia as our Ambassador. The NCC was created by the caretaker government on 8 March 2007 under the authority of emergency powers
Workers Party leader Rashed Khan Menon was more frank and forthright when referring to harassment of Abdul Jalil, Sheikh Selim, MK Alamgir and Obaidul Kader. He said DGFI tortured the political leaders to eliminate them from politics. He demanded a parliamentary committee to investigate its wrong doings. Similar demands for a parliamentary investigating committee were made earlier by Abdul Jalil and M.K. Alamgir.
The Asian Human Rights committee in a statement on December 2008 'condemned the indemnity of perpetrators of massive human rights abuses under emergency power ordinance of hundreds and thousands of victims who were illegally arrested, arbitrarily detained and implicated in fabricated cases causing permanent and temporary disabilities.'
The clarification will perhaps exonerate the ACC of its activities and shift the blame of torture should now be attributed to the National Coordination Council (NCC).
The proposed Parliamentary investigating committee while trying to apportion blame for the alleged torture of politicians may come to the conclusion that there is no denying that the alleged torture was committed by the DGFI, Joint Task Force at the behest of the national coordination committee (NCC) under the watch of the caretaker government. Ultimately, there is no way how the caretaker government can get away without bearing the brunt of the blame. In a civilized society a person charged with a crime can only be punished under due process of law and torture is unlawful and not permissible under any circumstances and is inconsistent with UN convention against torture to which Bangladesh is a signatory
Abdul Hannan is a former press counsellor, Bangladesh Mission to the UN in New York.
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Global syndicated loans down, bonds up
Fazle Rashid in New York
The quantum of syndicated loan globally has fallen to their lowest depth in the past decade. Companies shorn of fund are now turning to capital markets to raise money as banks have been rather reluctant to lend. The health of the capital markets is also far from robust.
The global volume of syndicated lending has dropped to $71.5 billion, down 63 percent from the figure of January 2008. This means that the corporate bond markets are taking the strain as banks rein in their lending, the Financial Times reported. Analysts believe the trend of companies switching from bank loans to bonds will accelerate as banks continue to de-leverage while overall borrowing costs remain relatively attractive, the FT pointed out. Corporate bond issuance could total $450 billion in 2009 as companies substitute bank loans for bonds.
Saudi Arabian Monetary Agency (SAMA), country's central bank, has warned investors that they were putting money into shares without regard for the fundamentals. Banks have been warned not to finance excessive speculation. SAMA believes that "regulation must be a part of the financial market." Rules must be applied to prevent excessive risk taking.
American financial institutions were once considered impregnable well capitalised and well managed. US cannot take these assumptions for granted now. Saudi Arabia is in far better shape than most of its neighbours even though its stock market and price of oil are both down. Saudi Arabia will have a deficit budget this year, it can well afford to do so, FT said.
Meanwhile, Islamabad is in tight spot. It is running short of fund. It is also under mounting US pressure to crack down on Islamic militants. Washington lashed out at Islamabad for releasing Abdul Qadeer Khan, known as father of the Islamic nuclear bomb but is called a rogue by the US media for trading nuclear expertise with North Korea and Iran.
Qadeer Khan has been released after five years in gaol. His release was described as regrettable and a proliferation risk by the US. Qadeer Khan said nuclear programme has made Pakistan secure. France joined US in expressing concern. Pakistan has been firmly resisting western nation's call to hand Qadeer Khan over to them.
Hillary Clinton, US secretary of state wants to tripple American financial assistance to Pakistan but with a string attached to it. Washington would like to see Pakistan taking on Islamic militancy more aggressively. The US wants money to be spent on combating Islamic insurgency rather than building defences against India.
Pakistan's ambassador to Washington Hussain Haqqani is brilliant. He is highly rated in the US for his intellectual depth, eloquence, clarity and a remarkable felicity in expressing himself flawlessly in their language. Though not a career diplomat, he has endeared himself at the Capitol Hill, State Department and the White House. This one sentence will reveal the depth of his brilliance. There is no bullet that has been invented that Pakistan can be given to shoot at the terrorists that cannot be used in case there is a war with India.
Pakistan has received $11 billion in US assistance since 2001. Haqqani, in an interview with the Financial Times, however, agreed that "our primary threat right now comes from terrorism and not from our eastern neighbour so our request for support will be geared to the primary threat we have. Haqqani greeted the appointment of Richard Halbrooke as US special emissary to Pakistan and Afghanistan. India was dropped from his assignment on New Delhi's protest as it thought Hallbroke will also intervene to mediate a settlement of Kashmir problem.
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What are Govt. primary school
students learning?
Special Correspondent
After spending five years in government primary schools if some seven out of 10 students fail to read a news headline in Bangla and over eight out of 10 boys and girls are unable to do simple arithmetic one term it sheer wastage of money and resources. This frustrating outcome is attributable to the disproportionate teacher-taught ratio as one teacher has to impart lessons to over 92 students.
In spite of huge government subsidy and donor's support, a quality education at primary level remains a far cry in Bangladesh.
A recently published government study reveals an alarming picture showing 69 per cent of students unable to read news headlines in Bangla even after completion of five years of education in government primary schools.
Similarly, 87 per cent of these pupils can not do simple mathematics and 72 per cent are not able to write a short composition in Bangla.
The national assessment of students carried out under primary education development programme also revealed that the students are tremendously weak in English language.
Presently, there are 37,672 government primary schools in the country where about two lacs of teachers are engaged for about 185 lacs of students. The government provides 100 per cent salary support to primary teachers while free text books are supplied to students. Moreover, at least 40 per cent students are awarded with scholarship considering their performance, attendance and poverty level.
Referring to deficiency in basic learning in primary school, Akram Talukder, an English teacher at Azimpur Adarsha High School of Birol in Dinajpur district said about 40 per cent of the students enrolled in class VI need lesson on English alphabets.
"Since they come with a poor knowledge about structuring a simple sentence, it is difficult to prepare them for reading text books in high school", Akram said adding that insincerity of the teachers, lack of sufficient teachers and absence of proper supervision are the main causes for such bad situation in primary education.
Meanwhile, the government study also identified weak organisational and institutional framework for delivery of primary education and lack of proper physical environment at school as the cases of poor performance.
Rawshan Ara Begum, Headmistress of Chakhar Government Primary School in southern district of Barisal, however, pointed out other reasons for the poor performance at primary level of education.
She mentioned inadequate number of teachers, lack of properly trained teachers, lack of sincerity of the teachers, poor support and monitoring from the family as the causes of weakness.
The overall level of poverty and malnutrition among the rural poor children are also hindering primary education, she said adding that most of the poor students can not afford to take a mid-day meal when the school is open from 9am till 4pm. She said students are seen not paying attention or concentrate to their studies after the tiffin break as most of them, being children of poor families, have nothing to take as tiffin.
Badrul Alam Tarafder, Secretary in charge of the Primary and Mass Education admits that the low quality of education have become a concern for the government that earlier put emphasis on students' enrolment and expansion of the education without concentrating on the quality.
The government study has recommended that to improve the quality of education, contact hours between teachers and students should be increased and more attention should be paid to mathematics and literacy skill in both Bangla and English.
According to the Directorate of Primary Education, Bangladesh children get only 500 hours annually to interact with their teachers in class one and too that increases upto 700 in class three to five against the international standard of 900 hours of contact.
One of the main reason behind the lesser contact hours is running a double shift in most of the government schools for lack of sufficient class rooms to house all the students together at a time. Low teacher and student ratio is another factor that reduced the contact hours.
The second primary education development programme (PEDP- II) recommends that at least 90,000 new teachers are recruited and 60,00 new class rooms are built to enable the existing students attend in a single shift.
Nazrul Islam Khan, immediate past director general of the department of primary education, says it is quite impossible to manage increased contact hours between the teachers and students in the schools having inadequate number of teachers and running double shifts in absence of sufficient classrooms.
The government has already taken initiative to full up the vacant posts of primary teachers but the authorities failed to appoint teachers even having a minimum level of knowledge. The government fears that they may not get sufficient number of teacher with a minimum of requirement to fill up the vacancies soon.
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GLIMPSES OF THE GREAT
Rabindranath Tagore
K. Z. Islam
To write about Rabindranath is the most pleasant and again the greatest difficult biographical work one has to encounter. By pleasant is meant no writer or poet in this subcontinent has given so much pleasure, imparted so much of intellectual depth and beauties as Tagore was gifted to do and has very successfully done to literature. In writing poetry undoubtedly he is unparalleled. In writing songs he was no comparison. In all other fields of literature he was superb. But all combining I think no one would doubt or dispute that he was by far the best literary genius this subcontinent has so far produced.
Among his unparalleled domain over all sections of literature if one asks a question to name some fascinating and delight-provoking sides of his works then one can easily mention his love for beauty and pleasure of life.
As a poet of Romance he is sky high. In his early thirties his poems on romance and love came out from Manash Sundari, Barthaya Jiban, Lajja so on.
With all the caste system in India Tagore is almost like a rebel stated that as far as beauty of woman is concerned there is no caste or creed. Beauty of woman has no caste. In his poem "Jalpatra" he wrote
Sundarer kono jaat naai
shay mukto shadaai
What argument for loving and enjoying beauty of woman even if she is untouchable.
Again he wrote about his love for beauty of human body with particular emphasis to female ones. In one plea he writes -
Narir madhaya sundaryajer jay prokash
Urbashi taroi proman
Tagore was an incorrigible romantic. His love for ladies, real and imaginary, he has expressed in his countless number of poems and songs. If one starts quoting then there would be no end to it.
But the story for his love for a lady from San Isidro, Argentina is fascinating. It also reveals as to how far he was capable of going as a lover. The name of his Argentinean lady love was Victoria Ocampo, almost 30 years his junior, a genuine friend and admirer, whom the poet name Vijaya, the Bengali for Victoria.
This Argentinean lady must have had read a lot of Tagore. She must have been a highly literate lady to read so much about Tagore being a Spanish speaking Argentinean.
In the year 1924 Tagore set out by sea to spend some time with Victoria. It was a long journey by sea and changing ships was also involved as there was no direct sea connection between India and Argentina. Tagore set out for Spain by the ship Haruna Maru and from Spain to Argentina by the vessel Andes. One can imagine the longing of Tagore for his love for Victoria as Tagore at that time was 63. While staying with Victoria, Tagore wrote many poems dedicated to her in the book Purabi. It is a great piece of work. His parting poem for Victoria was Shesh Basanta. In the last paragraph of this famous poem, Tagore writes -
Ratri jobay hobay aundhakar
Batayanay bosio tomar
Sob chheray jabo priay
Sommukher path diay
Tagore had been a widower since the age of 41 and nurtured a core of loneliness within his soul. The need for a feminine touch in his day-to-day life as well as his deeper artistic need to be inspired by a woman remained, to be partially filled, from time to time, by various women of the family and by other attractive women who clustered round him, magnetized by his personality and fame. In the period prior to his South American trip he had received companionship and inspiration from the young girl who later became that well-known arts patron of Calcutta: Lady Ranu Mookerjee. Ranu is known to have inspired the character of Nandini in Raktakarabi (Red Oleanders). Tagore was therefore very vulnerable in San Isidro when in the company of his youthful and ardent admirer. He interpreted Ocampo's homage as love, partly responding, partly running away, overpowered by her gift, at the same time planning for a future meeting.
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Language Movement gave us
national identity: Umar
Abdur Rahman Khan
The Language Movement of 1952 had consolidated our concept of linguistic nationalism giving a new identity to the Muslims of the then East Bengal, which is now Bangladesh.
The "Muslims of Bengal" were soon transformed into "Bengali Muslims" with their national identity getting a prominent face over their religious identity, explained Badruddin Umar, a progressive writer and veteran political figure of the country.
Badruddin Umar, who is considered to be a most authentic and widely quoted writer on the great Language Movement, talked to The Holiday explaining the socio-economic background of the movement, its development and the present-day situation in Bangladesh.
It was earlier claimed that Bangla was not a language of the Muslims of Bengal but history shows that it was the Muslim Sultans who patronised Bangla as a means of communication and culture, he pointed out adding that the controversy ended with the language movement of 1952.
Giving the background of the Language Movement Badruddin Umar said, initially it started with the demand for state recognition of Bangla language but later it turned to the movement for acquiring national identity of the Bengalis.
Apparently the students' movement flared up following the firing of 21 February, but the wide participation by other class of people indicated that the escalation was caused by the socio-economic conditions under the new Pakistani regime. With the creation of Pakistan on the basis of religious line, the common citizens of East Bengal soon found themselves deprived, exploited and suppressed by the ruling Muslim League government.
Definitely, the students of Dhaka University played the leading role but soon people from different classes including the peasants and workers took part in the movement to get rid of exploitation and suppression. He referred to his finding as documented in his book that on February 23, only two days after the firing on Dhaka university campus, the poor day-labourers in the southern remote area of Morelganj refused to join their work in protest against the firing on students.
The poor working people and peasants were already infuriated by the repeated crop-loss, starvation and famine situation of 1947-51. The language movement added fuel to ignite the dry leaves of movement causing a wide escalating fire.
The movement continued for language but gradually it began to grow further following other issues like resource transfer from East to West Pakistan, economic deprivation, job discrimination and political suppression under martial law.
He, however, pointed out that the students movement of that time lacked the anti-imperialist direction and for that reason the nation is still suffering from that sigma. Since the movement against imperialism was not carried out properly, the country could never get out of the shackle of bondage.
He referred to Chinese students' movement of May 4, 1991 and said they had played the historic role in defending imperialist aggression in China and that contributed towards advancement of the nationalist movement.
On the contrary group of political leaders and businessmen were collaborating to keep Bangladesh as a happy hunting ground for the imperialists, he felt sad to mention.
Badruddin Umar explains that with the independence of Bangladesh in 1971, the basis of communalism has been abolished but its residue are still there in certain forms. There emerged the religion based politics which may be termed fanatic not communal. Because, they do not target other religion but attacks people of the same religion and the progressive forces on the question of religious fundamentalism.
We feel pride that the 21st February has been declared international mother language day giving recognition to the great language movement of Bangladesh. It was a matter of deep emotion to us but now it has turned to be an annual ritual with celebrations at Shaheed Minar and Bangla Academy . We have missed all the little magazines and the literary programmes orgasnised everywhere on the occasion.
Meanwhile, certain misguided people have imported Valentine Day on February 14, just a week before the language martyrs day, perhaps with the evil intention to keep the youths engaged in fun fare with non serious subjects.
Now we have got a new government. They have come to power to bring change in their days but there was no significant change in the fate of the common people, he said. Corruption seems to be the sovereign authority over the society and the police is still using their batons on the mob in the street and students on the campus. Bangladesh is facing criticism for its common practice of extrajudicial killing that can not be accepted under a democratic rule.
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