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‘VISION-2021’
“The spring of our hope, the winter of our discontent”
Dr. Mizanur Rahman Shelley
“There is a tide in the affairs of men which when taken in its turn leads to fortune”. There is little doubt that the Awami League (AL) leader Sheikh Hasina, at present the Prime Minister of Bangladesh, was swept to power spearheading the grand coalition of political forces called the Mahajote on account of a favourable surging tide in the politics of the country. With meaningful, though not overt help from forces which were not strictly political, she, her party and its associates deftly seized the moment. The vital moment and the dynamic woman combined in an effective blend and massive success followed. The overwhelming victory of the Awami League and the Mahajote in the national elections of 29 December 2008 brought them to state-power with an impressive mandate.
It was not only favourable times, good luck and assistance from extra political segments of the society that made this amazing victory possible. There was more to it. The Awami League under the discrete leadership of Sheikh Hasina apparently changed by her unprecedented experience of reverses and captivity during the prolonged regime of the unusual Caretaker government, presented to the nation an exquisite dream. The dream that was outlined in the highly appealing election manifesto of the AL was not merely a figment of imagination. It was based on the hard rock of realities. It was encased in the form of a vision of Bangladesh as it should be and can be by the year 2021. The Awami League Manifesto for the 2008 elections is the expression of visionary leadership at its best. It is also a document that touched a responsive chord in the hearts of those segments of the society which, in the final analysis, determine the nation’s politics and moving history: the middle classes, the youth and the poor and deprived masses.
The vision appeals to the teaming millions wallowing in poverty, malnourishment and squalor. It promises them redemption from poverty and the misery it brings. It touches the heart of the middle classes, people with fixed and limited income, salvation from the crashing burden of skyrocketing prices of essentials. To the youth who constitute nearly fifty percent of the country’s population and the bulk of its unemployed and underemployed, the ‘Vision-2021’ holds out great promise and hope, that of at least, one gainful job per family. It also offers the realization of the cherished dream of establishing a thriving, modern knowledge and information society - a ‘Digital Bangladesh’.
Challenges being faced
The greatest challenge that the ruling party and its partners in the grand alliance faces within eight months of power is not the gradually increasing resistance from the vanquished opposition parties, but from its shaky handling of the issue of the Tipaimukh dam/barrage project of India, its slow and unclear response to the disturbing claims of India and Myanmar on Bangladesh’s territorial waters or even the incipient and potently dangerous threat of terrorism from religious or left extremists. The onerous challenge is posed by the dream it has dreamt for economically and socially challenged nation eager to improve its lot and the problems of those in power in resolutely and systematically realizing that dream. Eight months is not time enough to judge the success or failure of rulers even in a developing country. However, in a situation featured by abject poverty of at least forty percent of a 150 million strong nation, widespread unemployment of millions of youth including the educated ones and short patience of middle classes confronted by rising prices of essentials, inadequate health and education facilities, every day, every moment matters. The morning may not always show the day. Nevertheless, a damp and unstable morning limits the hope and potential of a better day.
The ruling Awami League under Sheikh Hasina’s leadership started with a promise of a glorious season of renewal for the nation. It was a promise of building a reinvigorated pluralist multiparty parliamentary democracy. The beginning was one of hope. Despite its reservations about the elections, the opposition led by Begum Khaleda Zia and her BNP promised co-operation and joined the parliament. It is a pity that frivolous differences about allocation of seats on the front row stalled the process. Dispute over such petty matters caused the numerically small opposition to stay away from subsequent sessions of the parliament.
Relations between the ruling and opposition parties also soured over the government move to cancel the allocation of the cantonment residence of Begum Khaleda Zia.
Added to these were more substantive differences on the stand of the government and the opposition regarding the government’s handling of the tragic happenings in the BDR headquarters in Pilkhana, Dhaka at the close of February 2009. The heartless slaughter of more than three scores of bright and competent army officers by a misled section of BDR troops stunned the nation at that juncture and threatened to shake the foundations of national security. The opposition sharply criticized the management of the crisis by the government. Differences are growing and the opposition keeps on complaining about the tendency of the ruling party to corner it and thereby weaken parliamentary democracy.
One must note, however, that despite criticisms, Sheikh Hasina’s handling of the crisis created by the massacre of talented army officers by a section of misled BDR men was pragmatic. However, the matter is still unfinished. The culprits need to be tried and punished. The border Force, now guarding the frontiers without arms and ammunition, must be quickly reorganized and reequipped so that our ramparts are not guarded by the mercy and compassion of others. Nevertheless, that is only one aspect of the hard realities that the government of the day must face effectively. The problem here is related to and in part issues from other challenges that the leadership of the ruling party face. These problems are manifest at the political, administrative and communication levels.
‘Inner party struggle’
It appears that the most daunting challenge for Sheikh Hasina is on the political level. For reasons well known she had to sideline the stalwarts in her party and give ministerial and party responsibilities to new, younger and by and large unblemished emerging leaders. Their loyalty was beyond question, their skill and experiences at top political positions, however, left much to be desired.
It is no wonder that in early June, while addressing her colleagues in the Council of Ministers Sheikh Hasina said, “It will not do to keep on saying, we do not understand, we cannot. There has to be competent work and goods must be delivered”.
The problem is one of matching loyalty with competence. A Prime Minister especially one such as Sheikh Hasina who has made the nation dream a grand dream must trust her colleagues and must choose trustworthy colleagues who are also competent at their jobs.
A modern state, especially a developing one with a myriad of political, economic and social problems, is a complex entity that cannot be successfully managed and run by a lone ranger. If the Prime Minister cannot find the right political lieutenants within and outside the Council of Ministers the ‘Vision-2021’ will be difficult, if not impossible, to realize.
Administratively the present government has inherited a shaky and ineffective structure. Public administration has been weakened over the years on account of lack of sound policy and needed reforms. Centralization of power in the hands of the chief executive and excessive politicization of the administration, dating from the early 1990s, have had considerably eroded the capability and confidence of public administrators in Bangladesh. Consequently public administrators have become unable to act as the medium for successful implementation of the grand dream sketched in the ‘Vision-2021’.
The important sections of leaders of political associates of the ruling party - its student, labour and other wings are vitiated by lack of ideological moorings and temptations of money, influence and power. Extortionist activities by sections of leadership of these organizations have led to violent factional fights. These conflicts have often resulted in closing down educational institutions and disrupting industrial activities. These also continue to have severe negative impacts on the law and order situation.
Added to all this is the weakness of the communication plan and strategy of the ruling party. Negative developments find prime place in the media. This is not unusual as media, all over the world, thrive on failures, scandals and disasters. Nevertheless, there is always room for projecting the positives which can be done successfully by those who have the maturity and skill. In this age of media and information-explosion it is easy for the newcomers to loose composure when faced by scores of microphones and ruthless cameras. One does not need the likes of ‘Goebles’ as overkill is self-defeating. One, however, needs competent spokespersons and media managers even to ensure truth its inevitable triumph. The absence of an adequate number of capable actors in this arena adds to the weakness of the rulers.
The combination of all this weakness challenges the ability of the leaders of today’s government to implement the national agenda for effective and harmonious development – ‘Vision-2021’.
If measures are not taken right now to rectify matters, things may become difficult with every passing day. The market may not work for the common good, essentials will become dearer and the limited-income middle-class will suffer and seethe with discontent. The poor and the miserable may be driven deeper into the mire of poverty if poverty alleviation is not achieved at the desirable pace. The youth may be disillusioned and angry, if and when they find that promised employment does not come their way. Failure to implement sound policies and programmes in the energy sector will lead to further and frequent power cuts rendering impossible the achievement of a ‘Digital Bangladesh’.
There is still time – ‘a stitch in time will save nine’. The sooner the leadership faces the challenges of the moment with resolute political will and competent administrative skill the better. The Awami League’s ‘Vision-2021’ was, indeed, symbolic of “the spring of our hope”. Let not failures that can be arrested now, cause the tragic transformation of this spring of our hope into “a winter of our discontent”.
The author, a noted thinker and social scientist, is the founder Chairman, Centre for Development Research, Bangladesh (CDRB), Chairman, Bangladesh Media Commission and Editor, quarterly “ASIAN AFFAIRS”.
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