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Media’s role and impact in Bangladesh
Faruque Alamgir
The broadcast or the electronic media, both audio and visual, thanks to their easy access to satellite and Internet, have created a new set of challenges that are sought to be addressed in the developed world under a governmental regulatory framework. But it is never done disregarding the constitutional principles and press freedom.
Media environment: Bangladesh perspective
The new wave that stormed Europe in the middle of the 15th century took a long time to reach this part of the subcontinent — more than three hundred years. It arrived when a civilian employee of the East India Company, Charles Wilkins (1749-1836), was able to punch-cut Bangla letters, i.e. make Bangla type, under the patronisation of Lord Hastings. Wilkinson was very fluent in Persian, Bangla and Sanskrit. He discovered in Panchanan Karmakar of Hoogly a talented and skilled artisan. He along, with Panchanan, toiled hard to bring out the first printed book (in the subcontinent) in Bangla named “A Grammar of The Bengal Language” written by Nathaniel Brassey Halhed. The time was during monsoon in 1778, more precisely after the great famine of 1176. The establishment of Fort William College and a printing press by missionaries at Sri Rampur Mission saw a profusion of printing materials in Bangla. By 1818 two periodicals were brought out from Sri Rampur mission, namely “Dig-Darshan” and “Samachar-Darpan”. Thus began the journey of the print media in the subcontinent. The Calcutta Public Library was established in 1837 and “Indian Press and Registration of Book’s Act” was adopted in 1867.
The rise of the “babu samaj” along with all those phenomena contributed to the rise of a kind of media culture in the then Calcutta and its surroundings which had little effect on the life of the vast multitude in Bengal, particularly in the then East Bengal. Even the much talked about renaissance in Bengal was predominantly a culture of the babu shamaj. Yet to some extent the printing machines contributed to the development of Bengali language and literature.
The media culture of Bangladesh can be traced back to the discovery of the “Charyapada Charya Binishchaya”, considered to be the ancient written verses by Buddhist monks. But we had oral culture centuries ago that had preserved past experiences, holy verses, social rules and customs and many family memories. We are still familiar with the words of “Khana” or “Khanar Bachan”, a collection of the most popular ancient proverbs that guided the life-style of our people, especially the farmers. The ancient farmers used to keep those words in their hearts. They took their education from their life patterns, from nature and environs and transmitted it to generation after generation. They were not ignorant, though they did not have the knowledge of letters.
This oral culture was transmitted to media culture with the introduction of printing material in 18th and 19th centuries, and sound and visual material in the 20th century. Hence in the true sense the time of the media culture of Bangladesh can rightly be counted from ’20s and ’30s of the last century when Muslim youths educated in English were seen along with their Hindu compatriots in the competitive economic market. Their endeavours for a place in the sun through socio-economic uplift created a new dimension in politics. Muslims were elected to the legislatures and Muslim chief ministers spearheaded the provincial Cabinet. The period saw a number of Bengali Muslims editing dailies and periodicals, the most notable being “Azad”, “Mohammadi”, “Shawgat”, “Dhumketu”, etc. The educated Muslim youths could have gone further, had there been not a quick geo-political transition in the history of the subcontinent.
After the partition, owners of these newspapers and periodicals started shifting their establishments to Dhaka, the capital of the then East Bengal. The shifting process took at least three years. Meanwhile, the 5 KW Dhaka Radio Station, established in 1939 for war propaganda, was strengthened to 100KW by 1951, and by 1954 many regional stations in Chittagong, Rajshahi and Khulna were set up. Radio became a strong force for socio-economic uplift. Besides, it also became a political tool for the propaganda of the government in power. The legacy is still there. Television, which came up on December 25, 1964, lost its credibility on the same day. Both the national electronic media are following the colonial legacy, even
after the emergence of an independent state through a bloody liberation war 33 years ago. They were so abused and misused that BTV used to be called “Shaheb-bibi-golamer baksho”.
Media crucial for forging one world
Technological advances have nowadays altered the media’s definition and reach altogether. The media now includes cable TV satellite broadcast, video on demand, Internet, global TV news exchange and broadcast data services.
McLuhan’s pronouncement “media is the massage” once moved the whole world, with television reducing our planet to a “global village” as described by him.
Today it has become a reality through costly high informatics that continues to invade one or the other territory with free flow of information. This wonderful magic-door as if opened by Ali Baba’s secret call has awakened the nations around the globe particularly in developing countries where democracy is yet to get its root and state-owned media are being abused by political parties for building their so-called image. Bangladesh is no exception to that.
Radio Bangladesh began its journey in 1939 while BTV in 1964. Although both made a beginning at different times assuming different names in the colonial and post-colonial era, they are still under strict government control.
Three political alliances who led the pro-democratic movement against autocratic-rule in 1990 in a joint declaration on 19 November 1990 spelled out that all state-owned mass media including radio and television should be made independent and autonomous organisations to make those fully neutral and to ensure unobstructed scope for publicity of all political parties contesting in the elections.1
But the subsequent democratic governments did not keep their promise. While the government in 1991 did not pay heed to the question of autonomy, the government in 1996 constituted an eight-member autonomy commission headed by a former secretary cum a presenter and vocalist of BTV as its chairman, proved to be a fruitless effort in the long run.
The commission submitted its report after a year of long hard work, but the government in power made a sub-committee to study the report and finally shelved it. To the utter dismay of the public in general and criticism of the press in particular, the government at its fag end of its tenure hastily introduced a bill in parliament, thus giving birth two acts namely the Bangladesh Betar autonomy act and the Bangladesh Television autonomy act. The two acts passed in parliament before its departure keeping aside the autonomy commission report did not reflect the political good-will of the party in power as those acts seemed to impose more stringent regulations.
The chairman of the commission himself criticised the acts describing those more controlled than curtailed and in protest of this regimentation of the state-owned electronic media by the party in power, the commission chairman had to sever his association with the party. A similar commission was also formed back in 1989 with a former cabinet secretary as the chairman, which mainly tried to address the organisation’s structural problems of both radio and Television. The recommendations put forward by that commission was not made public.
Terrestrial channel
In fact, the introduction of terrestrial channel in the country under the governmental patronisation in 1998 had pushed BTV to a formidable challenge. The existence of BTV became at stake when ETV started newscasts based on reporting from the very first day of its inception. Although the program pattern of ETV remained the same as BTV, its freedom to independent newscast, particularly its free access to opposition news and events not being touched by BTV under government pressure made it popular overnight. ETV used to enjoy the technical facilities of BTV to cover the distant places of the country as well as a large number of expatriate Bangladeshis through satellite. The two other private satellite channels namely ATN-Bangla and channel-I could not cope with ETV because of their lack of privileged technical facilities. One may question the wrong –birth of ETV, but no one can deny the fact of ETV”s contributions towards the healthy growth of competitions. More over ETV’s unquestioned news-coverage and news-treatment demanded state-owned BTV’s freedom to some –extent to establish its credibility. It was at this hour the professionals in BTV had been advocating for “screen freedom”, which caught the attention of the press thorough vested interests that professionals within Betar and BTV were in favor to remain with the government instead of autonomy. On the other hand the government exploited the situation undertaking the old-motto of divide and rule policy and engaged BTV to conduct propaganda of a particular national personality and party itself without fulfilling the election-promise. News and opinion of the opposition almost remained absent on television. This trend has established a bad precedence in the state-owned media of the country. Of late when BTV has gone beyond the territorial boundary hiring the transponder of most effective broadcast-satellite, the self-censorship and state –censorship at times cannot be accepted. It is ethically disgraceful on the part of BTV –world to carry a particular story in a different way while country’s three other private satellite TV channels are giving almost a uniform-treatment to that story.
Absence of information policy
Freedom of speech is fundamental right of a citizen. The right of freedom of expression of every citizen and freedom of the press are guaranteed in Bangladesh except a few cases. Article 39(2) of the constitution ensures that freedom. People are increasingly becoming aware of article 19 of the universal declaration of human rights, which envisages “every one has the right to freedom to hold opinions without interference and to seek, receive and impart information and ideas through any media and regardless of frontiers”. This implies that the freedom of media is not freedom only for those who own or work for them; it is a component of the freedom of all people to receive information and ideas.
Everybody may agree with me that in Bangladesh, the press enjoys an unfettered freedom. Here the government officials or PID men do not call the newsroom at the late hours to convey some directives, leading to “Stop-press”. We see now –a- days many dailies that occasionally claim themselves as largely circulated one, carry numerous stories on national and community issues reflecting their own opinion and alignment. Besides a variety of columns ranging from national to international issues and highly personal thoughts by journalists and non-journalists are being published by our national dailies and periodicals.
All writers, journalists, think tanks are expressing their own ideas and thoughts freely in those columns irrespective of their political and socio-cultural alignment. The government and the civil society never dispute with any news-story and columns of the printing media unless it becomes a very touchy and sensitive one.
This absolute freedom sometimes creates problems for the reporters and news editors when different newspapers apply different treatment to one single story. This type of journalism is surely bound to confuse the readers and it becomes difficult for him to come to a conclusion about the same event. On many occasions, I had to listen to a lot of complains of my senior friends over telephone that they would abandon the habit of reading more than one newspaper.
The unfettered freedom of printing media in the country also creates credibility problems for the electronic media, particularly for BTV and Radio. Although private satellite TV-channels may cover certain item, which newspapers do usually cover, BTV is barred to cover such item as considered detrimental to public viewing.
At this stage, it will not be wise on my part to say a definite word on BTV’s status because any transition is inevitably linked with political –will of the government in power. But one thing I must say even at this moment that BTV being the public broadcasting service –popularly known PBS in the western world, is the only medium, apart from Bangladesh Betar is answerable and accountable to the people. This is the most particular strength of BTV. BTV’s entire programme- pattern is devoted to the cause of the vast –multitude living in the distant places of the country. A major portion of BTV’s home transmission may be called public –welfare oriented programme. Like the countrywide vast Radio-network programmes, BTV does regular programmes on health and hygiene, nutrition and childcare, non- formal education, mass education as well as agriculture programme for farmers.
BTV was the first to open the satellite-window to the people when it started telecasting CNN and BBC in 1992 for six hours daily. BTV also opened the first south-south dialogue among television stations from Tokyo to Tehran through regular satellite news-exchange programme back in 1984. Prior to that the real first taste of feeling the world by the millions of Bangladesh viewers at home took place in early 1980 by receiving Eurovision news-feed. But all these credits of BTV go in vain when it comes to its home coverage on political and sensitive issues. Same it is the case with the country’s vast radio-network.
These issues can be eased with determined resolutions. At least my long tenure and experiences in BTV provide me with a privilege to underline one truth that strictly speaking in no country of the sub-continent can television and radio be considered an independent medium. AIR , Door Darshan, PTV, SLRC are no exception to that. Even BBC, which so long boosts of its independent newscast or programmes, is under constant government surveillance. Since its inception in 1927, BBC has to undergo changes in management for thrice- first the British postmaster general, then the British home secretary, and now the British Foreign secretary. But BBC, which gets parliamentary grant to run its day to day affair is actually governed by two basic constitutional documents- the Royal charter and the license. A royal charter is one of the least restricting legal instruments known in Britain – a charter which empowers to do all those things not expressly forbidden to do.
Although BBC’s charter demands respect for certain rules and regulations, it is fundamentally a grant of privileges. This is the kind of freedom a BBC journalist enjoys and in dispatching or delivering the story he keeps his eye and ear open so that it should be an undeviating, objective and impartial one.
Like that of BBC which is no less than a Public Broadcasting Service of Britain, BTV and Bangladesh Betar require a charter or a guideline from the government.
Every government has a fundamental responsibility to establish a framework of sound policies within which socio – economic –political and cultural agents can function freely and effectively. A broad based national information policy better known elsewhere communication policy should be adopted to coordinate the entire activities of information network. Under this policy, a sound broadcasting charter and guidelines must be adopted to run and conduct day-to-day functions of the two national electronic media envisaging newsgathering to newscast ensuring their objectivity and impartiality.
Whatever we may call it, a set code or guideline for BTV and Betar is an imperative need to maintain and improve programme and news presentation as well as to avert interference from any quarter big and small. It will also help as a safeguard to the professionals working in both television and radio whose jobs often become at stake for doing nothing wrong.
I have put forward the above suggestions out of my experience in BTV for over three decades. I had to witness three different rare scenarios in BTV, where utmost neutrality of the news-bulletins were maintained and the newsroom professionals from news- producers to chief news editor felt happy, secured and well safeguarded.
The first event took place when the interim government of acting president Justice Shahabuddin Ahmed issued written directives for the first time in the history of Bangladesh for BTV and Betar. The directive issued by the Ministry of Information on January 29, 1991 categorically underlined the policy incorporating both spoken and visual news coverage of leaders and parties contesting the February 27 polls. The policy worked as a guideline, as it clearly mentioned the duration of news of leaders and parties in prime time news bulletins. That particular written policy guideline also emphasised that “radio and television should take initiative to collect any news, in case of any delay by government or private agencies or sources”. That was the first recognition that BTV should have a reporting desk.
I could now tell my observation of those brief days as a professional member of the newsroom that the first policy guideline had been able to check all sorts of unwanted pressure and intervention from any quarter and ensured smooth news operation.
Similar instructions and policy guidelines were also issued during the tenure of two subsequent caretaker governments in 1996 and 2001. Those guidelines clearly spelled out dos and don’ts like the 1991 policy.
I feel myself very privileged that on three occasions, I was involved in formulating those policy guidelines. But what I experienced out of the guidelines could be future lessons for policy makers and broadcast journalists. As I mentioned earlier, the guidelines provided a safety valve for the TV and Radio newsmen working in the newsroom. Besides, both BTV and Betar used to enjoy a kind of freedom, very close to other electronic media in the subcontinent or even in the developed world. I had seen BTV during the three months of caretaker government drew attention of all kinds of viewers. A large number of people used to watch BTV’s major newscasts and neutral election monitoring groups appreciated its efforts to give wide coverage of the election –related events in remote places.
During October general elections in 2001 BTV had to compete with three private satellite TV- channels including the terrestrial cum satellite one ETV. ETV’s mounting popularity was marred at that time because of BTV’s both quality and quantity wise electioneering coverage. Most note-worthy is that in the past the national media stood at least four times along with the people to face natural calamities with fortitude. BTV rose to the occasion timely sending visual messages to the world community to draw their attention and bring assistance for the distressed. BTV could make it possible through Asia Vision satellite news exchange for a couple of hour’s time which had not been possible by innumerable Bangladesh missions abroad for days together. Here lies the commitment of the media that is sometimes also described as one of the pillars of the society. Its positive impact is numerous while carrying out social responsibility through three major themes:
a) Information
b) Education/Enlightenment
c) Entertainment/infotainment
What the BTV lacks and in fact the country’s national media required—
a) Regulatory framework
b) Transparency
c) Reform and modernisation
d) Code of conduct
BTRC, which allocates frequency to broadcast media, can formulate code of conduct for the private TV channels or it can be incorporate in the broad based communication/ information policy of the government.
It may be mentioned when national policies were being formed, the United States, unlike most countries, did not choose to have stations owned and operated by a government agency or government funded public corporations. Instead it chooses a hybrid system for the new medium. A station’s equipment would be privately owned, but its right to broadcast would be regulated by government and limited by license.2
Media: Where do we stand now?
Although the information media in particular have to maintain a balance between the “three Ms”: pure factual research and reporting (mere facts), social –political evaluation and message (mission) and the economic requirements (market), it is not enough for media people themselves to think that they are doing a good-job.
One of my former colleagues in BTV pointed out a recent comment of an American media expert and professor of mass communications that “journalists should not have rigid patriotism”. He said these are the latest developments of the liberal American media- experts as the truth of Iraq-war is now an open secret to all. US war lords along with their British collaborators had not only enchained the journalism, but also introduced a new trend in the profession of the 4th state. We all know the role of American media, particularly CNN that came into limelight in 1991 when Iraq invaded Kuwait. The freedom of press enshrined in the US constitution, the document that forms the structure of the government an under grids US law (amendment –1, bill of rights, US constitution 1791) had been overrun by falsehood and misinformation every moment, everyday. Even BBC that had earned credibility over the years through hard task and toil lost that virtue owing to continued government pressure. In post Iraq-war BBC’s efforts to regain its credibility cost the job of its Director General.
On the other hand Al Jazira satellite TV network had been a constant victim due to its neutral outlook and truthfulness in news presentation. In contrast to the embedded journalists or the syndicated media of the west, Al Jazira TV during Iraq aggression had carried reports form the war-front revealing first the news of the capture of American marines and the death of British soldiers and the same time destructions of civilian installations, residence buildings and genocide by the coalition-forces. American hackers destroyed the English website of the Al Jazira TV in the beginning of the war and later bombed its office. In November 2001, United States lifted bomb weighing about 500 pounds on Al Jazira TV office in Kabul.
The Iraq-war has taught us a new lesson that truth should rule supreme whatever the condition prevailed in a nation. Journalists should narrate the stories as it happened (in case of television that is the rule for a reporter to cover the event and make a voice over report). Otherwise media, which is regarded as a watchdog for the society, will come under constant attack both from the government and the people.
The continued resistance in Iraq against the occupation forces has unveiled many stories both exciting and tragic ones. The release of videos showing inhuman treatment to prisoners at Al-Gharaib shook the entire world. This time the “Daily Mirror” of London and the “New York Times” came into limelight by publishing the story and pictures of maltreatment to Iraqis. Again the success stories of Iraqi resistance have been highlighted in western media because of the heavy causalities on the part of occupation forces. No doubt Iraqi people operating without benefit of external sanctuary or support in an urban environment can better be understood the by comparing it with other resistance movement including national liberation wars, some successful, some not.
The media in west of late has changed its attitude towards Iraqi news. Why for whose interests? In this context we may cite many examples when interest of someone goes against some state or government the media in the west starts maligning the particular state or government serving the particular vested quarter.
The Media Mughals in the west presently define news as conflict; incumbent vs. challenger, winner vs. loser, and pro vs. con. Again, their corporate boards of directors view news as just one more profit centre. When businesses threaten to sue over critical investigative journalism pieces or to cancel advertising, a chief news editor or news director must decide whether to use provocative story, even it if risks the loss of revenue or the loss of his or her own job. This self-censorship resulting from the dilemma and others linked with money making may be the most prevalent form of censorship influencing the content of media in the west today and Bangladesh is no exception to that. Public in general sometimes characterise our media using such words: arrogant, insensitive, biased, inaccurate and sensational. Hence an innocent journalism is needed to overcome those issues. To my mind it is the civic journalism, which can advocate a new kind of journalism, challenging people to get involved, get engaged and take ownership of community problems.
The watchdogs are required for another group of watch dogs to question the transparency and honesty of their professional feat and at times giving punishment for irresponsible journalism.
In the absence of a comprehensive communication policy in a developing country like Bangladesh it is the sheer responsibility of the media men both print and broadcast journalists to build an integrity among the people utilising their unique capacities to make people and societies aware of their rights, harmony in diversity and foster the growth of individuals and communities with in the wider frame of national development in an interdependent world. In other words, these are the shared responsibilities of journalists and public at large and in this context I should advocate that it is the media which should take people in confidence.
[The writer is a poet, literary critic, former DDG(news), BTV and part-time teacher of Dhaka University.]
1 Declaration of three party alliance( i.e. BNP, AL, Left Front),1990
2 Johnson, Nicholas: Defining The Land Of The Fourth State, University of Iowa , 2001.
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