Nepal surprises the world

Abdur Rahman Khan

The people of Nepal have surprised the world. It has become the subject of talk in the world media as the April 10 Constituent Assembly election resulted in an overwhelming victory for the Maoists. It did not come in a day and Maoists had to work hard for this success.
   The events of April 10 were surprising to most people on three counts. First: the much awaited and repeatedly postponed Constituent Assembly elections could be held at all. Second: it was held without much violence and irregularities. And third: the people voted so decisively for the Maoists, beyond the imagination of all the pundits, big media houses, think tanks, international observers and even the recognised regional and global powers.
   The History of Nepal is characterized by its isolated position in the Himalayas and its two dominant neighbours, India and China. Even though Nepal's heartland was independent through most of its long history, its territorial boundaries have varied greatly over time and internal mosaic of kingdoms restructured often.
   After prolonged rivalries between the medieval kingdoms, modern Nepal was created in the latter half of the 18th century, when Prithvi Narayan Shah, the ruler of the small principality of Gorkha, formed a unified country from a number of independent hill states. Prithvi Narayan Shah dedicated himself at an early age to the conquest of the Kathmandu valley and the creation of a single state, which he achieved in 1768. Nepal maintained its independence during the British colonial era. However, its isolation impeded the country's economic development and modernisation.
   Due to the arrival of disparate settler groups from outside through the ages, it is now a multi-ethnic, multi-cultural, multi-lingual country. Its population is predominantly Hindu with significant presence of Buddhists.
   
   The background
   To cut the long story short, in February 1996, the Maoist started their movement against the parliamentary monarchy to establish "people's new democratic republic". They followed the Maoist revolutionary strategy known as the people's war, which led to the Nepalese Civil War.
   According to documents made available by the Maoists, the group led by Dr. Baburam Bhattarai and Pushpa Kamal Dahal (popularly known as "Prachanda"), the insurgency initially began in five districts in Nepal: Rolpa, Rukum, Jajarkot, Gorkha, and Sindhuli. The Maoists declared a 'People's War' on February 13, 1996 and the existence of a provisional "people's government" at the district level in several locations. They strongly believe in the philosophy of Mao Zedong that "Political power grows out of the barrel of a gun" and that military powers must be subordinate to political leadership.
   They had also drawn inspiration from the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement and Peru's Maoist guerrilla movement, the Communist Party of Peru, known as Sendero Luminoso. Communist parties from different parts of the world have provided ideological support for the Nepali Maoists.
   The reason given by the Maoists for declaring the 'People's War' was the failure of the Nepalese Government to respond to a memorandum presented by its representatives to Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba on February 4, 1996. The memorandum listed 40 demands related to "nationalism, democracy and livelihood". These included among others the abolition of royal privileges and the promulgation of a new constitution, and the abrogation of the Mahakali treaty with India on the distribution of water and electricity and the delineation of the border between the two countries.
   A considerable number of retired Gurkha soldiers of the British and the Indian Army inhabit many of the Maoist-affected areas and Nepalese security agencies have suspected that these former soldiers along with those retired and deserters from the Royal Nepalese Army (RNA) were involved in training the Maoists fighters.
   Meanwhile, on June 1, 2001, the gruesome event at the Royal Palace provided an opportunity for the party. Crown Prince Dipendra went on a shooting-spree at Royal Palace, assassinating 11 members of the royal family, including King Birendra and Queen Aishwarya, before shooting himself. He survived briefly and became the king temporarily before dying of his wounds. This resulted in Prince Gyanendra (King Birendra's brother) inheriting the throne as per tradition.
   Government estimates provided in early 2003 on the CPN-M strength indicated that there existed about 5,500 combatants, 8,000 militia, 4,500 cadres, 33,000 hard core followers, and 200,000 sympathizers. The main fighting and support forces consist of Magars, Tharus, Janjatis (madise madise Limbus, Tamangs, Dalits, Brahmins and Chhetris, the last two also providing the political and military leadership).
   Women have been prominent in the recruiting profile. Available reports indicate that one-fifth to one-third of the cadre and combatants may be women. Reportedly, every village has a revolutionary women's organization. Maoist leader Baburam Bhattarai was quoted as saying in Spacetime on April 18, 2003, that fifty per cent of cadres at the lower level, thirty per cent of soldiers and ten per cent of members of central committee of the outfit were women. Durgha Pokhrel, Chairman of National Women's Commission, who visited more than 25 Maoist-affected districts, stated on July 3, 2003, during a talk delivered at the Nepal Council of World Affairs that percentage of women cadres could be as high as forty. A women's group, the All Nepal Women's Association (Revolutionary), is alleged to be a front outfit of the CPN-M.
   
   The Indian connection
   Meanwhile, the Maoists of Nepal have well-established linkages with Indian revolutionary communist organizations, primarily with the Communist Party of India (Maoist), currently leading a protracted people's war throughout the subcontinent. The first signs of contacts were reportedly registered during 1989-1990, when the two groups started collaborating in order to expand their influence.
   According to Indian government analysis, they began the process of laying a corridor, which is now widely referred to as the Revolutionary Corridor (RC) extending from Nepal to across six Indian States, including Bihar, Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand, Andhra Pradesh, Orissa and Madhya Pradesh. This entire area has been identified in Maoist literature as the Compact Revolutionary Zone (CRZ). The CRZ was organized by the Nepal and Indian members of the Naxalite movement, in a meeting at Siliguri in the Indian State of West Bengal during August 2001. Indian Maoists are known as Naxalites (or Naxals) in reference to a popular uprising that began decades ago centred in the town of Naxalbari.
   The Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) is a participating organisation of the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement (RIM), a global association of revolutionary communist parties. In July 2001, CPN (M) together with fellow Maoists of the region formed the Coordination Committee of Maoist Parties and Organization of South Asia (CCOMPOSA).
   The Central Committee of the Maoists, in late-January 2002, passed a resolution stating that it would work together with the PWG and the MCC in fighting the ban imposed on the latter two organisations in India, under the Prevention of Terrorism Act, 2002. A year earlier, in 2001, the Maoists had sent a senior leader named Gaurav as a fraternal delegate to attend the 9th Congress of the PWG. Reports indicate that the Maoists and the PWG have also formed the Indo-Nepal Border Region Committee to coordinate their activities in North Bihar and along the India-Nepal border.
   Meanwhile, the Maoist developed their international relations. In recent years, groups of the Maoist leaders including Prachanda had visited some European countries and held bilateral talks with the official delegations of various countries. It helped the Maoist gain sympathy for them against a global campaign that branded them as terrorist.
   Following a victory with huge public support, Maoists are now looking at its foreign relationship based on fraternal and friendly relations with Maoist and other revolutionary communist parties and organizations. They are also willing to maintain warm relations with other political forces and the governments of various countries which are friendly to the country and the people of Nepal.
   Navin Singh Khadka, a journalist with the BBC Nepali Service in London, however, reminds that with Maoists still in the US terror list, their uneasy relation with Washington remains a public knowledge. The love-hate relation with New Delhi is increasingly becoming evident as the former rebels blow hot and cold on Indian establishment.
   Now that the results have been quite unexpected, foreign powers like India and the US will also have to brace themselves up. "It would be destructive if New Delhi were to have a Nepal policy that does not unambiguously repose confidence in a ruling arrangement in Katmandu that so clearly derives its power from a popular mandate," read an Indian Express editorial.
   Indian and US foreign affairs officials will have to scratch their heads even more if Maoists are seen becoming Chinese favourites, writes Navin Sing.

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Anwar Ibrahim returns to politics

Barrister Harun ur Rashid

Four years ago, Anwar Ibrahim, former Deputy Prime Minister of Malaysia, was written off by the Malaysian elite when he emerged from prison. His health was weak and his face was gaunt. Although he has been a charismatic leader, his political fortune was suddenly cut off by former Prime Minister Dr. Mahathir Mohammad.
   He was tried and sentenced to six years imprisonment after a highly -politicised trial. He was beaten by a senior police officer while he was arrested and he had a black eye that was shown on TV all over the world. He was yesterday's man.
   What a difference a few years can make for a person in political life. On 14th April, Anwar Ibrahim,(60), resurgent and confident, has celebrated his political rehabilitation. His ban on holding political office has expired on 13th April and he is now free to hold any political office in the country.
   He and his allies have done spectacularly well in last elections on March 8, capturing five states out of 13 states, securing 88 seats in 222-member parliament. He needs only 30 members of parliament to cross over to bring down the Abdullah Badawi's federal government in Kuala Lumpur. He recently forged a pact among the three main opposition groups called the People's Alliance to jointly govern the states they control.
   Analysts say that ethnic tensions and widespread concerns about price rises have diminished the popularity of the ruling party.
   Ethnic minorities make up more than a third of the population. Many complain that government policy has denied them fair access to jobs, education, and housing. The government's affirmative-action policy has given Malays educational, housing and job preferences since it was created in 1971.
   Indians in Malaysia say they are discriminated against by the Malay-Muslim majority. Some Indians allege that racial harmony is not possible in a country that has one set of rules for the majority and a different set for the minority. They ask why should they vote for a government that treats them not as "citizens of equal right" but as a guest who simply enjoys the goodwill of his hosts.
   Prime Minister Abdullah Badawi has been fighting for his political life since he lost the traditional two-thirds majority in parliament. Critics and dissidents including former Prime Minister Dr. Mahathir called him to resign immediately but he said on 14th April that he would seek re-election as the government's party leader in December. Thereafter he would consider a smooth transition to his Deputy Najib Razzak.
   Meanwhile Abdullah Badawi is challenged by Razaleigh Hamzah, a prince from the northern state of Kelantan and a former finance Minister.
   The difference between Razaleigh's and Anwar Ibrahim's quest for Prime Minister's post is striking. For the first time in decades, voters in multi-ethnic Malaysia (Malays, Chinese and Indians) are confronted with a fundamental ideological choice of whether to continue with the existing government where Malays are given preference to individuals of other races or a government that treats race as secondary.
   While Razaleigh advocates for nationalism, Anwar Ibrahim promises profound changes in political system of ethnic segregation in which each main ethnic group-Malay, Chinese and Indian- has traditionally its own party. His multiethnic partners have vowed to abolish a three decade affirmative action system that gives ethnic Malays discounts on houses, scholarships, and a quota of 30 per cent of shares in companies listed in the stock market.
   Affirmative action, critics say, has morphed into cronyism. The government transferred wealth to a small pool of politically well-connected businessmen.
   "It was the deliberate creation of an oligarchy," said Shahrir Samad, a member of the governing party's top decision-making body who has become an outspoken critic of the native leadership.
   The Malay entrepreneurs are expected to increase Malay's wealth but increasingly their companies gradually ran into debts and many of them collapsed.
   The most recent example of large-scale corporate failure came two weeks ago when a native businessman, Tajudin Ramli, was bailed out by the government.
   Mr. Tajudin, an accountant and the son of a farmer, was entrusted with the management of Malaysia Airlines in 1994. Malaysia's political leadership spoke glowingly of how a man from such humble beginnings could rise to become the chairman of an important regional airline.
   But Mr. Tajudin, who is a protégé of the country's current finance minister, Daim Zainuddin, had no previous experience running an airline, and analysts say he ran it into the ground. Today, the Malaysian Airline faces its fourth straight year of losses and is deep in debt.
   "The problem is that the whole policy has been abused by politicians for vested interests," said Terrence Gomez, a professor at the University of Malaya who has written extensively on program. "There was no transparency in the way contracts were awarded."
   Anwar Ibrahim, however, faces a big challenge because critics call him a 'chameleon' and say his transformation from Islamic radical to champion of racial minority smacks opportunism and expediency.
   Malaysians had earlier refrained from voting opposition in the past because of a fear of the unknown. But the March election has demonstrated that they had less fear in voting the opposition and almost had no regrets by voters afterward. Anwar Ibrahim may capitalise on this sentiment.
   Democracy does have roots in the Islamic world. It is argued that historic Muslim societies were more representative than their modern counterparts because the central government was not as powerful. Muslim society was a society where communities had some control of their own affairs. There was more decentralization of power. The central government was mainly focusing on issues of law and order or security.
   Malaysia, Indonesia and Turkey have demonstrated that Islam and democracy go together by going through periodic elections.
   The writer is a former Bangladesh Ambassador to the UN, Geneva.

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Will Israel stop killing Palestinians

Dr. Abdul Ruff Colachal

Israel held 78 per cent of historic Palestine's land in 1948 while Jews were only about 30 per cent of the population. Israel then declared itself a Jewish state and turned the remaining Palestinians into second-class citizens. About two decades later it occupied the West Bank and Gaza, displacing 325,000 people.
   There are bottlenecks in finding lasing solutions to Palestine, due mainly to arrogant postures from strategists in Tel Aviv and Washington. They claim the supremacy of US-Israeli system and also redundancy of any other form of government and argue that Islamic regimes need over-hauling. Desperate to control the world opinion, the Neocons in Washington insist that USA go for regime changes in Middle East, until every Arab nation becomes favorable to both USA and Israel and the latter is accepted as the leader of the region, because it has nuclear and conventional weapons and, above all, the US support. They hitherto supported the continued Israeli settlement expansion in Palestinian territory. USA, accordingly, must help Israel to destroy Hamas and Hezbollah by coercion, brute force, sanctions and boycotts.
   Israel is under international pressure not to cause the Gaza Strip's 1.5 million inhabitants more hardship. Much of the Western media harps on anti-Islamism and encourages Israel not to resolve the crisis. At present it is unthinkable about combating the anti-Islamic forces operating through these media. Israel is not living up to its commitments to do what it can to facilitate the lives of the Palestinians in the West Bank. Israeli warplanes keep targeting Palestinian economic and security sites at the Gaza Strip, also killing many civilians.
   The "specialsits" continue to argue for the regime change theory. The strategists insist that Iran poses a "serious threat', to the whole world, and that it must at all costs be attacked a new regime is put in place there. Then, Israel should not return the Golan Heights to Syria and that deterrence is the key to Israel's security and that the USA will, for all time, guarantee Israel's military superiority over the whole Arab world. (The Golan Heights once belonged to Syria, but were placed under Israeli control following a pre-planned 1967 Six-Day War). But they have failed to ask USA to revise its own policy in the region considering collapse of their strategy.
   Also, a few critics, on the on other hand, also see bad regime in Teo-Aviv and suggest that Olmert and Barak - both have failed as prime ministers - must quit and let new leaders take over to seize the opportunity for peace: Olmert for his lamentable, ill-conceived and destructive war in Lebanon in 2006; and Barak for his stubborn inability to seize the chance of peace with the Palestinians and Syria in 2000. But the new leaders cannot be ideologically and temperamentally different from those who ruled Israel all these years. When the premier proposes a concrete step, the opposition blocks it, and it has been going on now for decades.
   2002 Arab peace plan
   The 2002 Arab peace plan, re-launched again in 2005- offering Israel peace and normal relations with all 22 Arab states if it withdraws to its 1967 borders - still remains on the table, followed by the initiative of Saudi King Abdullah undertaken last year, when Hamas -Fatah rivalry seemed to be heading towards, in stead of one, two-Palestines that would fight each other, threatening the very existence of the Palestinians. Hamas in Gaza has offered Israel a cease-fire, of 10, 20 and even 50 years' duration and the moment seems to be ripe to push hard diplomatically towards more serious negotiations, on the basis of a new, credible, settlement.
   In a major departure from its earlier stand, Hamas has also now adopted a conciliatory attitude to Fatah faction that controls the West Bank and included it in any Gaza truce. The cancellation of talks with Israel by President Abbas seems to have endeared him to Hamas, but Abbas must cultivate that warmth further.
   A Hamas-Fatah national unity government is foreseeable for normal negotiations between Israel and Palestine. Both Hamas and Fatah must now whole-heartedly seek an Arab-mediated attempt to revive the unity government between Fatah and Hamas in Palestine, based this time on a clearer agreement for a national internal security force. Such a unity government would be in a stronger negotiating position with Israel, which cannot be persuaded for any fruitful peaceful settlement from a weak position. Israel's policy so far has been to inflict maximum pain on the enemy.
   In full appreciation of goals of Yassir Arafat, Abbas should go for a unity government by reinstating Ismail Haniyeh's elected government, which he fired after Hamas's takeover of the Gaza Strip last year and appointed a new Western-backed cabinet in the West Bank, as a positive gesture to forge cooperation.
   Mutual killings will lead enemies nowhere. Israel should be persuaded not to create obstruction in the path of peace and Hamas should not be let lose hopes on a final solution. More importantly, they should not allow themselves to get easily provoked by Israeli actions. The stake-holders and mediators should have a few priorities and the highest priority of all concerned external parties - the Americans, Arabs, Europeans, Russians and the UN to push both sides to an agreement that achieves a few things immediately.
   Meanwhile, no one prevents the Palestinian leaders from naming their country as Palestine for now, pending the inauguration of the State and its provisional constitution, in stead of let it be known as Palestinian Territories. A provisional map showing the actual areas that form the future Palestine state could be published for discussion in UN. Fatah and Hamas should pay proper attention to this at the earliest.
   Unity among Palestinians is of paramount importance now. From a strong position alone can the Hamas-Fatah negotiate for peace according the Arab Plan with Israel, emboldened by its continued "successes" in the region. Israel knows too well that is how history and nationalism have worked. A negotiated long-term truce between Hamas and Israel would represent a historic breakthrough that could open the way for future negotiations to a permanent resolution of the conflict.
   Egyptian-led talks
   A positive sign is the Israeli government and the two main Palestinian Islamist resistance groups have all indicated their willingness to engage in Egyptian-led indirect talks to bring about a lull in the fighting. Whether this is called a "cease-fire" or "a calm atmosphere" that Egypt requested as a prelude to a wider deal, is mere word-craft. Fatah has to fully cooperate with Hamas. A truce would mark a historic and permanent shift in the negotiating balance between Palestinians and Israelis. They must promote a long-term cease-fire and makes it an open-ended truce while encouraging exchanges of Israeli and Palestinian prisoners.
   It is funny that Palestinians have to depend on Israeli for moving out of its territories. Israel must keep all closed border points permanently open to allow the Palestinian Gazans to live a normal life and restart their economy. Palestinian Hamas should have full control over its own borders with its neighbors. And, the PLO has to be reestablished with new vigor and revived objectives set by its founder Arafat.
   Palestinian unity could be a model for other nations fighting for re-independence from the oppressors, like Kashmir from India. Kosovo's independence has been unnecessarily exaggerated by Arab states saying that Palestine is more important and more urgent than Kosovo. In stead, they should use Kosovo as a fore-runner to pursue their peaceful negations to speed up the establishment of Palestine. Arabs should have a holistic approach to Palestine issue and discuss the freedom struggles launched by at least by Muslims all over the world. That might add more strength to their cause, rather than discussing Palestine in isolation. Mideast conference in Moscow this summer would energize efforts to achieve a peace settlement between Israel and the Palestinians by the end of the year
    Crucial question
   The crucial question remains: will Israel stop killing Palestinians like a rogue state? Unless Israel is totally stopped from recurrent invasions of Palestine, negations cannot be result-oriented. Israel continues to attack the Palestinians and provoke them to retaliate. Will Israel choose to undermine the US-Egyptian initiative also now and go ahead with its genocides, destruction and settlements in Palestinian lands? Of it all depends on how effectively the USA and UN apply pressure on Israeli leadership to pursue for a genuine peaceful negotiated settlement. Most importantly, the USA should let Israel know, unambiguously, that Washington is pretty serious about resolution of the long lingering Mideast crisis and sincere about establishing a Palestine state, come what may. Given the close affiliations between them for decades, unless the Whilte House message is loud and clear to Tel-Aviv, it is unimaginable to establish a Palestine state in the near future, Moscow's efforts notwithstanding. Other wise, Israel would continue to reign in Palestine with its aggressive agenda of exapnsion, genocide and destruction.
   The writer is a Delhi-based researcher.

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'Quietly triumphant' Sharif turns screw
on Musharraf

Julian Borger in Lahore

The road to Nawaz Sharif's house performs some radical zigzags along the way. This is presumably for security purposes - forcing would be suicide-bombers to slow down enough for the guards to take a shot. But the winding drive must also serve as a daily reminder for Sharif of the precarious route to power in Pakistan.
   He has twice been prime minister. His last term was cut short in 1999 by a coup by his army chief, Pervez Musharraf. Nine years on, Musharraf is still president but has been haemorrhaging authority for months in the face of public disdain.
   Sharif is back from exile and back in power, this time as part of a new democratically elected coalition, and working hard to sideline the president with the aim of eventually forcing him out.
   Meanwhile, as part of the compromise that has brought the coalition to power, Sharif is not in a government post but instead wields power as head of his party, the Pakistan Muslim League - Nawaz (PML-N), from his home in Raiwind, outside Lahore.
   Home, in Sharif's case, is an imposing white mansion, topped by a glass dome, set deep in an extensive compound owned by the family, which made a fortune in business after Pakistan's partition from India. It was to protect the family's business interests that Nawaz was initially sent into politics by his father more than 30 years ago.
   The military ransacked the Sharif compound after Musharraf seized power in 1999. But in the five months Sharif has been back in the country, the big house has been restored to its original splendour.
   There is a stuffed lion prowling just inside the door, and huge Persian silk carpets adorn the floors and walls of its vast rooms. Stepping outside, the man of the house shows off a cricket pitch being laid in the grounds. His mood can best be described as quietly triumphant.
   "A lot of people were saying very confidently, including President Musharraf, that I wouldn't be back in my country by 2011, and look what God has done," he said. "We have had this huge victory."
   There is still much to be done to make the new coalition fully functional. There are still jobs to be divided up with the other senior partner, the Pakistan People's Party, run by Asif Ali Zardari, who has emerged as the country's other principal power broker since the assassination in December of his wife, Benazir Bhutto.
   Sharif and Zardari have been arguing about the restoration of judges summarily fired by Musharraf. Zardari wants legislation to be passed first to redefine the judiciary's position. His critics accuse him of stalling out of fear that the restored courts may reopen old corruption charges against him.
   They also say Zardari is under pressure from the Americans to block the return to the supreme court of the ousted chief justice, Iftikhar Chaudhry, who is likely to reopen legal proceedings against Musharraf, Washington's closest ally in the region.
   Sharif insists that the complete restoration of the judges is a "matter of principle".
   "This is about the independence of the judiciary," he said.
   The declarations would perhaps have more resonance if Sharif's own supporters had not ransacked the supreme court building when it had the temerity to contemplate a legal case against him while he was in office.
   Sharif is well aware that Chaudhry's return to the court is the quickest and surest way of getting rid of Musharraf, who he refuses to recognise as president.
   This is an awkward position to take under the constitution. Ministers from the PML-N, after all, had to take the oath of office in front of the president. But Sharif insists their hearts were not in it.
   "They took the oath under protest, wearing black pants, and just taking the oath and rushing out of the presidency, without even meeting him," he said.
   This is not, of course, the first battle of nerves between Sharif and Musharraf. In 1999, aware that Musharraf was planning a coup, Sharif tried to replace him while the army chief was in the air, flying home from a foreign trip.
   Sharif tried to block the plane, a commercial airliner full of civilian passengers, from landing until it only had a few minutes fuel left. Little wonder the feud between the two men is so toxic.
   This time, Sharif is hoping to bleed Musharraf's power away drop by drop, and he believes he is close to succeeding.
   "Maybe a few people in the [US] administration still think he should be allowed to stay as president, whenever or not he can do anything for anybody," Sharif said "But I think he has lost his writ to a great extent. He has outlived his utility for anybody."
   Courtesy: The Guardian, London.

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ISLAMABAD DIARY

Jonaid Iqbal

Two and half months ago, Pakistan's Ambassador to Afghanistan, Tariq Azizuddin, started on a car journey to his place of posting in Kabul. On February 11, he arrived at Landi Kotal, a village, just inside Pakistan, on the Pakistan-Afghanistan border.
   Since then the Ambassador, his driver and his car went missing, and have not been heard of since.
   After report about the missing diplomat appeared in the press, a number of people thought the capture of the diplomat was a ploy of the religious elements who wanted the general elections cancelled, or postponed. Their view about the election was well known, that it was going to be a fraud, and people should not come out to vote.
   Incidents of bomb explosions also took place in a few towns and cities, including one at Rawalpindi, just one day ahead of the election day; it was thought that the diplomat might have been kidnapped to orchestrate this point of view.
   
   Cloak-and-dagger
   The subject was sensitive. An untraced diplomat who is found to be missing inside his own country naturally conjures up a cloak-and-dagger mission, in which international spy players might be involved.
   The government could do no better than keep assuring the public that effort was being made to trace the missing Pakistani Ambassador
   Many thought Tariq Azizuddin could have been done away with by extremists. A skirmish between Pakistani troops and militants of Waziristan and Swat, had been going on at the same time.
   Now, in a dramatic disclosure, made on Al Arabiya, an Arab TV channel, last week, it was confirmed that the Ambassador was kidnapped, and demanded for the release of a key Taliban leader and a few other Pakistani and Afghan colleagues. The channel ran a video-clip of Ambassador Tariq Azizuddin's message in which he conveyed the kidnappers' key demands for the release of Taliban leader Mullah Obaidullah, captured by Pakistani security forces last March -- on the day US vice-President Dick Cheney arrived in Pakistan -- and also about half a dozen Pakistanis and Afghans, under the custody of Pakistan government.
   Tariq Azizuddin made it clear that the Taliban wanted to swap him for their comrades detained by Pakistani authorities.
   Investigating officials have told the media that the ambassador, his driver and bodyguard were kidnapped from Ali Masjid in Khyber tribal region by a group of criminals involved in kidnapping for ransom. Later the kidnappers discovered that they had captured a big fish. Thus the word got around, and the two captured men were handed over to the Talibans.
   
   Not for ransom
   It was not done for ransom. The Talibans were demanding the release of five or six people, according to Pakistani sources. "There might be people who could be released but others might not be."
   In the video-clip the kidnapped ambassador also called for help from Pakistan's ambassadors. Pakistani source say there is no link whatsoever. "We have no hand in his kidnapping nor have we anything to do with his video statement," a TTP spokesman said. "We have already denied our role into his kidnapping." In his view the ambassador might have been kidnapped by Afghan Taliban in Pakistan.
   Afterwards militants holding Pakistan's Ambassador to Afghanistan have dropped their demand for the release of a detained Taliban leader, but insist that the government should free at least five of their colleagues before they would let Tariq Azizuddin go.

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'Gaza's patients left to die', says WHO

Israel is killing Palestinian patients by denying them access to life-saving treatment outside the besieged Gaza Strip, the World Health Organization (WHO) said earlier this month.
   "The right to health appears to be optional for Palestinians," Ambrogio Manenti, the head of the WHO's West Bank and Gaza office, told a press conference.
   He asserted that case studies of patients who died while waiting for permits to travel to Israel for treatment show "nonsense, inhumanity and, at the end, tragedy".
   The WHO listed 32 Gaza patients who died since October last year after Israel delayed or rejected their requests to be treated outside the strip, ranging from a 1-year-old child to a 77-year-old man (many more died since then, reports say).
   Six of them were waiting for Israeli authorities to issue a permit to enter while the others were denied permits because they were considered a security risk, including a 65-year-old woman.
   Some had obtained a permit but died while waiting for Israeli authorities to allow them to cross into Israel.
   The Gaza Strip does not have much specialized medical care, and doctors traditionally transfer Palestinians to Egypt, Israel and to Jordan for treatment.
   Israel has been closing the Gaza Strip's exits to the outside world since Hamas took control of the territory last June after routing rival Fatah.
   It has completely locked down the coastal area since January, causing its sole power plant to shut down for lack of fuel.
   Most medical equipments were left standing idle and patients of chronic diseases resigning themselves to death.
   
   Innocent kids
   The WHO study cites the example of Amir Al-Yazji, 9, who died of meningeal encephalitis at a hospital in Gaza after his permit request was repeatedly delayed by Israel.
   The boy was admitted to hospital on November 5 and doctors ordered a computer-aided tomography because he was not responding to antibiotic treatment.
   But the CT scanner needed repairs and the hospital officials could not do it until five days later due to a shortage of spare parts.
   After making the scanning, doctors found a lesion on the anterior wall of the brain, so they decided the Al-Yazji needs specialist care in Israel.
   The father obtained an urgent referral, but for days he could not get a permit for his son to cross Erez checkpoint into Israel despite hundreds of phone calls.
   Yazji's condition deteriorated dramatically and the Israeli permit came on November 18.
   But the doctor and two nurses who were to travel in the ambulance with him were denied access.
   "Five different teams...were refused," said the WHO report.
   It was too late and the Palestinian kid breathed his last the same day.
   "From a health perspective this is something unacceptable," said Manenti, the WHO official.
   "That was one of several tragedies that could and should have been avoided."
   - Third World Network Features

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Conflict over political victory at Madhu

Jehan Perera in Colombo

Last week at least 28 Tamil Tiger rebels and one soldier have been killed in artillery duels across Sri Lanka's war-ravaged north, the defence ministry said. Security forces killed 25 members of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) in Mannar district while three others were killed in nearby Weli Oya district on Friday, the ministry said.
   There is a frustrating sense of stagnation in terms of problem solving that troubles the government and propels it to seek even short-term results. None of the main problems, whether economic, political or military, seem to be getting resolved in a sustainable and long term manner. Although the government continues to enjoy majority support in Parliament, it has reason to feel insecure. The government's majority is contingent on support it is receiving from parliamentarians who were elected to opposition parties who are presently with it. But they could go back to their own parties if they feel the tide is turning. The forthcoming elections in the Eastern Province could prove to be a harbinger of things to come.
   In the prevailing situation, where there is economic hardship and political volatility, the government desperately needs a success. It has apparently put a part of its faith in the ability of the Sri Lankan military to capture of the revered Catholic shrine of Madhu to provide it with a much needed morale booster. The government could project the capture of Madhu, which is currently in LTTE-controlled territory, as liberation of the religious shrine and the proof of capture of LTTE controlled territory in the north. The government may believe that the sight of busloads of Catholic pilgrims making their way to Madhu and performing their religious devotions at the shrine would be a powerful advertisement of its commitment to its multi ethnic and multi religious population.
   International award winning defence columnist, Iqbal Athas has opined, "The military offensives in the Wanni assume a new dimension in the light of the Provincial Council elections for the Eastern Province on May 10. Particularly in the Mannar sector, the recapture of the Madhu shrine and its environs by the troops will bolster the ruling party's position at the polls. It could be argued, perhaps with some justification, that after recapturing the East, troops were now making progress in the North. For the same reason, Tiger guerillas would want to avoid losses of any territory dominated by them. They would want to offer stronger resistance at least until the polls are over."
   The government needs military success to justify its weak performance in other areas of governance, including the economy and basic law and order. The battlefield successes that took place in the east over a year ago, and which gave the government leadership an enormous popularity, have not been visible at all in the north where progress on the ground has been slow. The main success of the government has been its so-called kill rate, which now exceeds 3,000 LTTE cadres in a matter of months which was once claimed to be the LTTE's total battlefield strength.
   
   Problems
   The problem that the government is facing in achieving its political objectives is that the LTTE is putting up strong resistance in blocking the advancing Sri Lankan army. In doing so the LTTE has even violated the religious sanctity and neutrality of the Madhu shrine. Showing no regard to religious sensitivities of the Catholics the LTTE has come within the shrine area and stationed its armed cadres and their weapons inside it. It might be recalled that in the late 1990s the Sri Lanka army also entered the precincts of the Madhu shrine, but President Chandrika Kumaratunga immediately ordered them to leave when this act was brought to her notice. However, the efforts of the Catholic Church to persuade the LTTE to act in the same responsible manner have failed so far.
   One of the consequences of the fierce fighting that has been going on in the areas around the Madhu shrine is that artillery shells have fallen on the church premises that house the shrine and damaging a part of the building complex. Shells have also fallen on the residences of the priests endangering their lives. With the danger of loss of life and destruction of the sacred statue of Lady of Madhu very high, the priests of the Madhu church decided to ask all refugees to leave and to leave the church themselves and take the statue with them to another church for safekeeping.
   However, the decision of the Church authorities to take the sacred statue to the interior village of Thevanpiddy rather than to the town of Mannar has come in for heavy criticism by the government. The recapture of the Madhu church without the sacred statue will be a hollow victory. Government spokespersons have even alleged a plot to discredit the government by bringing the issue to the attention of the international community. The Church authorities are also being criticised for taking the sacred statue even deeper into LTTE-controlled territory, which is where Thevanpiddy lies, rather than to the government-controlled town of Mannar.
   
   Church's solution
   The crisis over the Madhu shrine has rallied the Catholic Bishops Conference, which comprises both its Sinhalese and Tamil members, to issue a strong public statement in which they "deplore the malicious attribution of motives and unwarranted interpretations given to the simple and inevitable course of action which was due solely to the exigencies of the given situation." This statement, which was signed by the Bishop of Kandy, Vianney Fernando and the Bishop of Anuradhapura Norbert Andradi needs to be taken to heart by both the government and LTTE.
   In addition, the Bishops have pointed to the grim situation in the larger Mannar area caused by the war stating that "The statue has been moved out temporarily to the church in Thevanpiddy which alone has a Catholic community around it. All other parishes in the uncleared area of the District of Mannar are presently deserted by the people due to security reasons. It is to be noted that the displaced people of these deserted parishes numbering over 24,000 live in this area (Thevanpiddy). The statue is, therefore, enshrined temporarily in the said church and will be brought back to the hallowed Madhu Shrine at the first opportunity of safety."
   By issuing this statement the Catholic Bishops have also expressed their solidarity with the beleaguered Bishop of Mannar, Rayappu Joseph, whose diocese of Mannar includes the only Catholic majority district in the country. His stance with the people has not yielded to the might of those with guns, and has earned him the respect of peace and religious groups throughout the world. The Madhu refugee camp for internally displaced persons has been one of then largest and best run in the country. But the Bishop's commitment to the material and spiritual welfare of the people as the primary concern has also made him a target of criticism on both sides of the ethnic divide.
   The Pilgrimages Ordinance published by the Government Gazette Notification No. 185 of 1982 declares Madhu to be a religious shrine, which the government is legally bound to respect. The LTTE also needs to vacate the Madhu shrine area as called for by the Catholic authorities and do so with immediate effect. So far these appeals have fallen on hard hearts and deaf ears but they need to continue in the hope of dialogue that will lead to transformation.

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