Sadeq Khan

The four-party alliance, remote-controlled from special jail by former Prime Minister Begum Khaleda Zia, and nominally led by former Chief Whip of the BNP parliamentary party in the dissolved 8th Parliament, Khandakar Delwar Hossain, have staged a coup de grace over the Election Commission's local government election schedule, first phase. The Election Commission on June 20 announced the schedule for the elections to four city corporations and nine municipalities setting August 4 as the polling day amid a BNP-led alliance announcement to resist the polls and strong opposition by other major political parties. The announcement was accompanied by a simultaneous notification by the caretaker government relaxing the ban on outdoor politics under Emergency Powers Rules for 21 days up to the polling day in those four city corporation and nine municipal areas.
   Such partial relaxation of emergency, however, was derided by the spokesmen of major political parties. They demanded withdrawal of emergency altogether. Most political parties, big or small, rejected the schedule of local elections and demanded its cancellation. Notable exceptions were ex-President Ershad's Jatiyo Party, Awami League's one-time Presidential candidate Dr. Kamal's Ganoforum, ex-President Badruddoza's Bikalpadhara, and a new party called Progressive Democratic Party, popularly dubbed as the King's Party.
   The BNP, the Awami League, the Jamaat-e-Islami, and smaller parties of their respective alliances strongly voiced common suspicion that the "non-party" local elections ahead of parliamentary polls was a "political" trap designed to derail or delay the parliamentary polls, so that the caretaker administration could obtain a political base and get its set of handpicked persons elected. They challenged the validity of the conduct of local elections under a caretaker regime. They said the constitutional duty of the Election Commission was to hold parliamentary polls and conduct the election of the President. The caretaker government was constitutionally installed for the purpose of a non-party interim administration with the primary purpose of holding parliamentary polls. Only a representative government had the constitutional mandate to entrust the EC with the task of holding local elections. The CG and the EC were therefore acting in violation of the constitution, they argued.
   The Election Commission, when it declared it road-map for free and fair elections on the basis of a thoroughly revised electoral rolls as decreed by higher courts, had revealed its plan to hold from January this year election to all vacated local bodies in phases as the voters' list got prepared in phases, leading to general election in December. The political did not object or were not in a position to object at that time. Now the objecting political parties argue: The Election Commission has itself failed to stick to that roadmap and the voters' list is all but complete. The Election Commission, therefore, has no excuse for holding local elections some four months ahead of parliamentary polls by its own roadmap. It is a trick to frustrate return to a truly representative government. Non-objecting Communist Party of Bangladesh reserved its position by saying it supports local government elections, but their schedule must not hamper the promised roadmap for holding parliamentary polls.
   Dr. Kamal Hossain put the weight of his legal expertise behind the EC, saying there is no legal bar to holding of due elections for vacant local bodies (as routine duty of the caretaker administration entrusted to the EC) prior to parliamentary polls. The Caretaker Government also took pains to assure the political parties again and again that the non-party caretaker administration has no "political" axe to grind as none of the caretaker advisers were eligible to participate in polls, that the "non-party" local elections will be all completed by October and that the parliamentary polls will be held freely and fairly as per roadmap by December. Chorus of protests by political parties questioning the CG's motives and demanding cancellation of the declared schedule continued nevertheless.
   The tide of "political" opinion began to turn in favour of the scheduled local elections when after two days of deliberation over the pros and cons of abstentions from local polls, the members present in the Central Working Committee decided "unanimously" (overriding some express reservations) to join hustings for the city corporation and municipal elections, but not upozilla polls. A number of AL leaders who had returned from their constituencies voiced opinion that the public wanted local elections to go ahead and that their supporters have already been drawn into election favour in respective cities and towns; that it was wrong in the past to boycott or resist elections and that it would not be possible to discourage voters from participation in the city corporation and municipal elections; that it is all the more desirable that the Awami League makes its presence felt and creates a positive image by participation in hustings under existing emergency conditions, as otherwise with the withdrawal of emergency thugs, black money spenders and criminal will return to rule the roast.
   The alliance partners of the Awami League including the articulate leftist parties endorsed this position of the Awami League, and the scheduled "non-party" city corporation and municipal elections now had both administrative and party political backing. Political analysts speculated that BNP and its allies would also follow suit, as they would not like to lose local governments in their own pockets of influence by allowing a walk-over to the supporters of the Awami League-led grand alliance, albeit in the guise of civic sponsorship or Nagorik Committees, in the local bodies countrywide.
   But the BNP and its allies in fact hit upon a different strategy. Begum Khaleda Zia herself and all the parties of the four-party alliance had earlier given a call for united agitation by combined forces of all mainstream political parties for "restoration of democracy" (like in 1990) and for unseating the "illegitimate caretaker government." The Awami League and its allies had spurned that call, and in a propaganda offensive blamed the "corruption and misrule of the four-party alliance government" for causing the promulgation of emergency. The AL in effect denied that their "legitimate" continuous strikes and street blockades created a violent impasse leading to promulgation of the state of emergency. The AL also made it clear that it would not stage a joint movement (as in 1990) since that would legitimise and make room for the corrupt and condemned BNP leadership to ride the waves of organised Awami League support to gain power like in 1991.
   After the Awami League's volte-face to support and organise camouflaged participation in municipal and mayoral elections, the BNP actually hardened its position with respect to local government elections under the caretaker regime. It embarked on a counter propaganda offensive accusing the Awami League of entering into a secret entente with the caretaker Advisers in course of its bargains for the parole of its under-trial President Sheikh Hasina for higher medical treatment abroad. Citing the suspected secret entente as the real reason for the Awami League's rejection of the call for combined agitation against the "cruel" caretaker regime, the four party alliance after a two-hour meeting at the residence of the Bangladesh Jatiyo party Chairman Barrister Andaleeve Rahman on June 29 declared that BNP-led alliance said they would not participate in the local government polls as it believed that contesting the elections would legitimise the 'illegal activities' of the caretaker government.
   If any grassroots leaders contest the polls, despite such stance of the alliance, they will do it on their own and the parties concerned will take disciplinary action in this regard, the alliance said.
   The BNP secretary general, Khandaker Delwar Hossain said, 'The question of participating in the polls to give legitimacy to the illegal activities of this government does not arise...According to article 58/Ga/1 of the constitution they have no authority to hold such elections and article 58/Ga/2 indicates that their only job is to hold parliamentary polls.'
   The alliance put for ward its own five-point demand to create a political climate conducive to transfer of power to elected people's representatives. The demands of the alliance included release of all political detainees, including BNP chairperson Khaleda Zia and party leaders Khandaker Mosharraf Hossain, Moudud Ahmed, MK Anwar, Shamsul Islam and Tariqul Islam and Jamaat-e-Islami amir Matiur Rahman Nizami, lifting of the state of emergency by Monday [June 30] as demanded by Khaleda Zia, release of Khaleda's sons Tarique Rahman and Arafat Rahman and sending them abroad for better treatment, holding of parliamentary polls first, and cancellation of the local government polls schedule.
   'If the government meets the demands, the alliance can think about participating in the polls.'
   Accusing the Awami League of 'contradictory positions' and of striking an entente with the caretaker government, the loyalist BNP Secretary-general declared after the two-hour meeting of the 4-party alliance: "The BNP secretary general fired a broadside at the Awami League accusing it of 'contradictory' activities and striking an 'entente' with the government. 'This government came to power with the help of Awami League and blessings of foreign quarters.
   "The Awami League and their allies went to Bangabhaban on January 12, 2007 and before her first foreign tour after January 11, 2007, Sheikh Hasina had said this government was the result of their [AL] movement and that they would give legitimacy to all its activities.
   'Sheikh Hasina had labelled the announcement of the [local] election schedule as a mockery. The party's [AL] central working committee had announced a five-point demand, including lifting of the emergency, trial of war criminals and holding of national elections first. But now they are contesting the polls and the reasons are understandable.
   "Zillur Rahman said they were participating in the polls to restore democracy and the chief adviser yesterday [Saturday] said they were holding the local polls for the sake of democracy. They are speaking in the same tone.
   "Taking stand against the country and democracy is nothing new for this party [AL]. It was the Awami League which introduced a single-party rule violating the 1972 constitution, contested the 1986 polls backing away from commitment, indulged in conspiracies to block BNP and the nationalist forces from returning to power and prepared the ground for the January 11 happening."
   Begum Khaleda Zia when brought to the dock for court appearances in the last week of June firmly stated her position that her party would cooperate with the caretaker regime for smooth transfer of power if the parliamentary polls were held ahead of all local elections, and that the state of emergency should be withdrawn immediately for the sake of "fair trial" as well as "fair polls."
   she said: "No credible elections, national or local, could be held under emergency and without participation of all political parties.
   If the incumbents really mean credible elections acceptable to all, they must ensure a congenial atmosphere for the participation of all political parties, and said adding that her party was ready to provide the government with all cooperation.
   "No election was held by a caretaker government under emergency in the history of the country.
   "October will be a suitable time for the national election, as there come Ramadan and other festivals after October."
   Both the Caretaker Government and the Awami League are strenuously denying that a secret deal has been struck between them. The Awami League has gone so far as to revise its strategy on hustings and called upon its following to remain prepared for "all forms of action" as the political situation in the country has become fluid. Although earlier the Acting President of the Awami League said that its final decision on participation in upozilla polls will be announced "in due course", the Awami League and its allies have now clearly come out of their common position to "resist" upozila polls before parliamentary election.
   Political analysts continue to believe that like the public position of the Awami League, the four-party alliance also is secretly bargaining for the release of BNP Chairperson and her two sons for "medical attention abroad", and of Jammat leader Maulana Nizami. The alliance will fall in line with the CG roadmap as soon as the bargain gets through. In the meantime, however, the four-party stance has stolen the political initiative and the agenda from a defensive AL in challenging and shaping for transfer of power, and may even be able to sustain that challenge after participating in national polls to question the legitimacy of local bodies elected under the caretaker regime and seek their dissolution. It is doubtful that with the growing unpopularity of the CG for price rises all around, it will be easy for it to call the bluff of the challenge.

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Fuel price hike severely affects nation

Faruque Ahmed

Fuel price hike has triggered a crisis affecting the whole nation. Political parties, chamber leaders, business associations, professional groups, economists -- all have decried the move demanding the review of the decision made effective from July 1.
   They said the move will destabilise the entire economy and add miseries to the people with a staggering rise in market prices of commodities and transport fares in public and private carriers. It will also add to the production cost of factories impacting exports, besides seriously affecting agricultural production in the field.
   The Caretaker Government (CG) however said it acted after a prolonged restraint to reduce the soaring subsidy to bear the losses of the Bangladesh Petroleum Corporation (BPC); which shot up recently to about Taka 13,000 crore despite writing off of the parastatal's major liability in the last fiscal budget.
   Justifying the move, the CG says there is no way out to evade the 'bitter' decision in view of the escalating prices of the fuel in the global market now hovering around US$ 140 per barrel of crude. As the CG is buying refined fuel, it is paying substantially higher prices thus making the oil bill to cross the US$3.5 billion mark this year.
   It was US$700 to $800 million only a couple of years back with almost the same volume of intake as the rapidly increasing use of CNG supplemented the use of fuel to a large extent to keep the import bill at a relatively low level.
   Prof Wahiduddin Mahmud said the latest fuel price hike will add around 400,000 people to below poverty line as inflation is set to increase 1.8 per cent due to the recent hike in the prices of petroleum products.
   Meanwhile, the country's business leaders have expressed deep apprehension. The Dhaka Chamber of Commerce and Industry (DCCI) said the business and the productive sectors would take the brunt of the impact to cause severe slowdown of the private sector growth in the first place reducing new job and income creation opportunities. A rise by 33.84 to 50 per cent is too much to cope with at a time, the DCCI said.
   The workers-owners relations might also face new problems in the new situation at a time when demand for pay rise may come when the factory owners would remain busy fighting back the impact of the new price hike.
   They urged the CG to refrain from increasing the prices of gas and electricity as the cascading impact of all such price hikes would totally destabilise the country's productive sectors and the public life as a whole.
   The apex body of the country's garments manufacturers and exporters BGMEA decried the price hike saying it would add fresh expenditure of Taka 600 crore to run their privately owned power generators as its 2,800 factories have to operate them 5 to 6 hours a day during load shedding.
   Former BGMEA president Kutubuddin Ahmed recently said he has to run an expenditure of Taka 10 lakhs to buy furnace oil to run the power generators at his factories. The new price hike would further increase the fuel cost by 12 to 13 per cent, the BGMEA vice president said at a press conference.
   The BGMEA owned factories are also running almost 800,000 covered vans to transport their merchandise and the fresh addition to transport cost would be Taka 100 crore at the minimum. The industry is going to face severe fall back in its global competitiveness as a result of it, the chamber leaders said.
   Meanwhile reports of brawl, heated engagements between bus operators and passengers reported in all dailies as the bus owners have already increased the bus fares several times higher than the CG approved rates. Depending on distance the fares have increased from Taka 2 to 6 although the finance adviser Mirza Azizul Islam said there would be nominal 17 to 18 paisa rise in fare on per kilometre distance.
   Beating the finance adviser's forecast that rice price may also increase only slightly, the market showed a steady upward trend over the weekend following the petroleum price hike, leaving the blame on escalating truck fares.
   People wonder where lies the solution of the problem? The DCCI has suggested the formation to two task forces with public and private sector representatives on them. The first task force may sketch out action plans how to address the fuel price issue and offset the negative impact of the rise in oil prices on the economy and business. The other will make suggestions about how the nation will be able to ensure the energy and food security in the coming years.
   They said things can not be left alone with the CG as its actions are severely affecting the industry and business. Market analysts wonder why the CG every time is resorting to increase the fuel price to offset BPC losses.
   They wonder why it is not increasing the efficiency of the public sector to increase the efficiency of the fuel use and stopping the leakages in one hand and succeeding to increase the profitability of other state-owned enterprises (SoEs) and utility services to help compensate the losses of the BPC on the other.
   There is no significant profit making enterprises and all sectors of the economy in the public hand are incurring losses. Like a household, the economy looks at the aggregate balancing of the macroeconomic factors in which profit makers make good the losses of others. But we have only the loss makers -- and the government is the number one failing agency on the top to use public fund without any accountability.
   "We are going to the minimum survival point," said a businessman. "Advisers and bureaucrats and their families will have the tank of their vehicles filled every morning from state money, they also live on public accommodation and earn handsome monthly income. So how will they realise our sufferings," he said.
   The nation must seriously debate the whole issue. In Europe the government falls if they can not ensure adequate supply of fuel at reasonable cost in winter. But this does not happen here.
   Especially when the CG is acting on the sensitive issue without the public mandate the BNP, the Awami League and all other parties have questioned the validity of such decision on pressure of the World Bank, IMF and such other donors.
   As the fuel price was increased, the fate of the economy and nation looks more vulnerable now than ever before. This is a time when we find us nowhere.

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Foreign involvement may deepen the crisis

Shamsuddin Ahmed

The surprise victory of Maoists in the election in Nepal has given rise to some speculations. Rabindra Nath Sharma, an elderly politician in Kathmandu, has predicted turmoil in the country leading to army take over, which would be supported by India and International community.
   Likewise, Wang Hong Wei, a Chinese expert on Nepal, viewed that New Delhi wants to turn Nepal into a second Bhutan or Sikkim. The election results have made Indian leaders uneasy at the prospect of spilling over the influence of the Maoist rule in Nepal to the comrades well organized in the neighbouring North-eastern states of India. Some political pundits in India as well as the BJP leaders sounding security risk have suggested the government to take 'appropriate actions' in Nepal.
   The election was held on April 10. But the Nepal Communist Party (Maoist) that won majority in the constituent assembly has been struggling to gain power. Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala of the Congress Party, staking for the presidency, has long refused to step down on one pretext or another. Only last week ago he announced his agreement to hand over power only after election of the President by the constituent assembly through consensus.
   But then came the three small Madhes parties with the demand for constitutional guarantee of autonomous province for their Terai region. Maoist felt that a separate Madhes province is a threat to national integrity and dismissed the demand. The region borders India and its leaders are believed to have been prodded by New Delhi to raise the demand. Madhes leaders are in favour of railway link to Kolkata via Bihar. It is no surprise that Prime Minister Koirala and his party supported Madhesi demand. The Madesi members obstructed the proceedings of the constituent assembly to a standstill for five consecutive days this week. Finally with Koiral's active support they succeeded in making the majority party agreed to amend the constitution providing for Madhes an autonomous province.
   On the other hand, the current strike in Darjeeling and adjoining northern districts of West Bengal has not lost sight of the analysts. Gorkha Janamukti Morcha has renewed its movement for a separate state of Gorkhaland for the Nepalese speaking population of the region. Gorkhaland is for achieving a separate national identity for the Nepalese origins. The move might have been encouraged by the Maoist victory in Nepal election.
   Rabindra Nath Sharma, who resigned as president of Rashtriya Prajatantra Party of Nepal, in an interview published in Nepal News earlier this week, said that Nepal has been passing through a very critical phase. All forces are trapped in a mess. There are possibilities of internal clashes among various factions. Sharma, known for his wide contacts and deep political understanding, said India shares a long border with Nepal and "Indian policy makers do not have that kind of luxury to make mistakes."
   He added: "If the situation goes out of control, the army will take over to restore the law and order. At that time India and other international communities may support the army with a mandate to hold the election under a civilian government. If the situation goes out of track, India and the US will decide which track Nepal needs to follow.'
   But the Chinese expert on Nepal Wang Hong Wei dismissed the prospect of army intervention in Nepal. "It is impossible for the army to try to capture power through a coup in Nepal. People will not support it."
   Wang, 72, professor at the Institute of Asia-Pacific Studies in Beijing, in an interview with Kantipur News of Nepal said, "China knows very well that India wants to turn Nepal into a second Bhutan or Sikkim. Moreover, Nepal may enter the process of Sikkimization. But China must not let this situation occur."
   The professor recently visited Kathmandu and had meetings with Nepalese politicians including Maoist leader Pushpa Kamal Dahala, popularly known by his nickname Prachanda. He assured him that China will always lend its support to keep Nepal sovereign, free and united.
   Clearly, the fate of the landlocked new People's Republic of Nepal is hanging in the balance.

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Abdur Rahman Khan

The City Corporation elections scheduled for August 4, simultaneously in Barisal, Khulna, Rajshahi and Sylhet are gradually generating enthusiasm among the interested parties, especially the candidates and supporters at local level. It is a question of influence and power at the local level, they believe.
   The political parties, including Awami League and BNP, opposed the holding of local government polls before the national elections arguing that the caretaker government was meant for holding only the national polls. But with the release of Sheikh Hasina in parole, Awami League and its alliance have decided to contest the elections under the banner of "Citizens' Committee" since there is no scope to contest under any political banner.
   The other major group of four-party alliance including BNP and Jamaat-e-Islami are yet to decide officially whether or not to join the race but announced to resist the local government polls if their demand for the release of former Prime Minister Begum Zia and her two sons are not fulfilled.
   Commerce Adviser Hossain Zillur Rahman denied the allegation that the Caretaker Government (CG) was deliberately delaying the process of releasing detained former prime minister Khaleda Zia. "We're not buying time... There is no matter of slowing down the process on our part. We're proceeding ahead following a particular policy," he said after an informal meeting of four advisers at the communications ministry on Tuesday.
   Meanwhile, the Election Commission missed its deadline for completion of field-level tasks of voters' registration, finalising reforms of the electoral law, the registration of political parties and the delimitation of the parliamentary constituencies. The tasks were scheduled to be completed by June 30 as per the election road map.
   However, candidates belonging to all major political parties have joined the election race and their local supporters initiated campaign to gain support from the voters. Aspirants for the local ward commissioner posts also became active to hold their influence in their respective localities.
   In Barisal, thirty-two persons have registered their names in the election office for the post of mayor of City Corporation. They include five Awami League leaders - Syed Anis, Shoukat Hossain Hiran, Syed Masud Bablu, Abdul Mannan and Alamgir Hossain who already are in the race for the post of mayor. But apparently the most formidable candidate, Advocate Enayet Peer Khan has registered from citizens' committee. Enayet Peer Khan enjoyed the support of 14 parties in the last mayoral election and expects to get the support of the party alliance this time also.
   There are also two veteran leaders of BNP, Ebaidul Haque Chan and Abdul Rahaman Tapan. Another ex-BNP leader and former chairman of Barisal Pourashava for a long time, Ahsan Habib Kamal has also registered his name. However, BNP and its four-party allies are yet to finalise their decision on local government polls.
   Jatiya Party leader M Ruhul Amin Howlader told a party meeting that they were determination to participate in the election. There are several Jatiya Party leaders like Kabiruddin Advocate, Mir Jasimuddin, Mahsin Uddin Habul who have registered their candidature for the mayor post.
   In Khulna, the acting mayor and veteran freedom fighter Muniruzzaman Munir may get support from BNP while local Awami League has already announced the candidature of Abdul Khaleque, former state minister.
   However, citizens' committee sponsored by Awami league and its allies have nominated Advocate Enayet Ali to contest the post of mayor of Khulna City Corporation while left front have sponsored another citizen's alliance to lend support to Advocate Firoz Ahmed.
   In Rajshahi, Fazley Hossain Badsha of Bangladesher Workers Party has filed his nomination for the post of mayor that he lost last time while BNP candidate Mizanur Rrahman Minu won. Badshah is supported by the citizens committee while local Awami League has joined the race with two other candidates - Masudul Huq Dulu, President of City Awami League and Khairuzzaman Liton supported by another group. Advocate Quamrul and Advocate Enamul Huq, both belonging to BNP, are likely to contest. Jamaat leader Ataur Rahman may join the race for the post of mayor while a good number of ward commissioners are contesting from Jamaat.
   In Sylhet, almost fifty candidates have come up to contest the City Corporation polls. They include former Awami League Minister Farid Gazi, city Awami League leader Mejbahuddin Siraj, and BNP leaders M A Haque and AFM Kamal. However, there is every possibility of former Mayor Badruddin Quamran, who is now in jail facing corruption trial, to contest the post of mayor and draw sympathy from the voters.

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POLITICISED OVERSEAS BANGLADESHIS LAGGING BEHIND

EC's plan to grant voting right to NRBs will be damaging

Md. Anwarul Kabir

Like most people of the world, Bangladeshis have joined the world trend of human mobility across continents and countries. Bangladeshi immigrant communities in the UK, the USA, Australia and New Zealand are well-established, and are vastly contributing to our foreign exchange reserves. Perhaps accepting this reality, the interim government is seriously considering ensuring their voting right in the new context of our political realm.
   However, one is not sure if the government and the Election Commission have done sufficient homework on the implications of such a crucial decision. Here an attempt is being made to point out some possible unpleasant consequences of providing voting rights to non-resident Bangladeshis (NRB).
   By NRB we mean the Bangladeshi immigrant communities who have settled abroad either temporarily or permanently. NRBs are classified into following groups:
   (A) Bangladeshi citizens who have settled in foreign countries temporarily: People under this category have opted to settle in a foreign country temporarily for various reasons (e.g. many Bangladeshis are staying abroad for employment, business, study or just to stay with their spouses or families), and have not received citizenship from their host countries.
   (B) Bangladeshi citizens who are settled permanently in foreign countries but have not received citizenship from the host countries: Many Bangladeshis settlers have been residing for years in the Middle Eastern countries, including Saudi Arabia, but the immigration laws of those countries have no provision for awarding citizenship to foreigners.
   (C) Bangladeshi citizens who have settled permanently in foreign countries and have received citizenship from the host countries: Many Bangladeshis have received citizenship of UK, USA, New Zealand, Australia, and many other countries.
   (D) Undocumented NRBs: Bangladeshis who have illegally migrated to and settled in foreign countries.
   Non-resident Bangladeshis (eligible to be voters) who fall under the category (A) should have the right to be voters because the state, either legally or morally, cannot curtail this natural right. However, whether their names will be registered in the voters' list in their absence or whether they can apply their franchise right from abroad is a policy matter of the state.
   But, whether the NRBs of categories (B), (C) and (D) should have voting right or not raises a multitude of questions in the context of the present complex global socio-economic environment.
   Whether the immigrants, who have received the citizenship of the host country, should have the voting right in their countries of origin is a socio-political debate of the present time. Many have argued that globalisation encourages the concept of dual or multiple citizenship, and a person's citizenship should not be restricted to a single nation state only.
   Based on this philosophy, intermingled with the latest technology, especially in the field of communication, the contemporary world has witnessed the formation process of different diasporas, or trans-national communities. In fact, modern technology has effectively and efficiently squeezed the time and space barriers, which, in turn, speeds up the human mobility and the emergence of different diasporas.
   Since the final decade of the last century, Chinese, Indian, Bangladeshi, Pakistani and many other diasporas have been adopting dual or multiple citizenship around the world. Dual citizenship should provide simultaneous voting right for two or more countries as this is one of the essential elements of citizenship and a critical part of belonging to a political community. It reflects and gives voice to one's stake in the community, while, at the same time symbolising one's membership in it. Idealistically, such a demand sounds logical and one may expect that eventually this will lead us to the concept of global citizenship.
   
   Romantic dream?
   In reality, the concept of dual or multiple citizenships is a romantic and overambitious dream, at least in the present world setup. A survey has revealed that, at present, less than a dozen countries of the world allow dual citizenship. Many of these countries have not yet formulated appropriate policies to provide the people with full-fledged dual citizenship. For, instance, though Philippines is the pioneer in Asia in allowing its citizens to embrace dual citizenship, yet the proper policy for providing voting right for the non-resident Filipinos is yet to be formulated there. In this context, the senatorial candidate Aquilino Pimentel III, in April this year, cited the need to correct legal flaws in the Overseas Absentee Voting Law that prevents or discourages overseas Filipinos from availing the right to vote for national government officials of their homeland.
   Nigeria has provided its mono-citizens (those who have not received citizenship of other countries) living abroad with voting right. But there is a constitutional debate about whether it should give voting right to the people who have dual or multiple citizenships.
   According to the electoral code of the Republic of Armenia, prior to the amendment of February 2007, the Armenians who travel or reside in foreign lands could exercise their voting right through diplomatic and consular missions abroad. Besides, the citizens of Armenia could hold multiple citizenships in the true sense. But the February 2007 amendment has imposed restrictions in various forms on multiple citizenships and voting right of non-resident Armenians.
   
   Overseas Indians can't vote
   The Constitution of India does not allow Indian citizenship and citizenship of a foreign country at the same time. However, since December 2005, India has been considering dual citizenship in a restricted form. Instead of dual citizenship, India terms it as "Overseas Citizen of India" for the people of Indian origin belonging to, or having citizenship of, other countries, subject to certain conditions. The Overseas Citizenship of India (OCI), commonly known as dual citizenship, is granted to persons who migrated from India and acquired citizenship of a foreign country other than Pakistan and Bangladesh. They are eligible to get OCI as long as their home countries allow dual citizenship in some form or the other under their local laws. However, persons registered as OCI shall not have any voting right and right for public employment.
   In the sub-continent, Pakistan, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka allow their citizens to accept dual or multiple citizenships, but do not give voting right to such citizens.
   Perhaps, the oldest and most mature democratic country, the UK, is the most flexible in accepting dual citizenship of its citizens. Especially in case of voting right, the UK shows extraordinarily lenience. Any Commonwealth citizen (who is not a British citizen) residing in the UK can exercise voting right in its national election. Non-resident British citizens can register as overseas electors and apply their voting right through post or by appointing someone who lives in the UK as proxy to vote on their behalf. The USA and Canada also provide the option for dual citizenship in a restricted form, and their citizens living abroad can also apply their voting right.
   From the above analysis it is seen that most of the countries in the world are not yet ready to provide full-fledged dual citizenship, which grants voting right for more than one country, to their citizens. In such a context, it is difficult to understand why the present interim government is planning to provide voting right to NRBs.
   It is learnt that the Caretaker Government (CG) is planning to provide voting right to the NRBs in the UK first, as the largest Bangladeshi immigrant community lives there. But I fervently urge the CG on behalf of many of the members of the UK-Bangladeshi community to reconsider this venture, as it may have adverse impact on the community as a whole. The arguments for such a line of thinking have been outlined below:
   a. National politics versus social segregation: Bangladeshis in the UK are a relatively homogeneous ethnic group, and the vast majority of these settlers (probably about 80 per cent) came from Sylhet division. So, naturally it is expected that the members of this community should have strong unity. But in reality, the community has been divided into different fragments based on AL, BNP, JP or Jamaat politics of Bangladesh. Other communities do not have their political parties "imported" from their countries, and that is one reason why they are more united and organised in Britain.
   We only have to look at the Indian community in Britain; they don't have any political parties "imported" from India, and they can concentrate their energies on other things that help them establish themselves. It is very clear that the Indian community in Britain is doing better than the Bangladeshi community, partly because they did not waste their resources on the politics of India, rather they worked hard to get into higher echelons of the British society.
   
   Destructive segregation of Bangladeshis
   Politics-based segregation of the Bangladeshi community has already destroyed the image of Bangladesh. Just as in Bangladesh, rival groups in the UK engage themselves in quarrelling over trifling issues, and sometimes the police have to intervene to control the situation.
   As a minority community, the UK Bangladeshi community should be united so that they can work with a view to establishing themselves in better positions, and combating the prevailing racial discrimination in the European society. It has been speculated that if the Bangladesh government provides voting right to the NRBs then the situation will worsen, which, in turn, will act as a negative factor for the overall advancement of the community.
   b. National politics versus social integration: The UK Bangladeshi community is getting older, and now second and even the third generations are coming up. These new generations should be involved in the politics of the UK instead of the politics in Bangladesh for proper integration with the mainstream of the British society. Doing politics of AL, BNP or Jamaat in the UK will decelerate the integration process. Instead of granting voting right to this community, the CG should formulate a policy to ban the overseas wings of Bangladesh political parties.
   c. Impact on undocumented NRBs: There are many undocumented Bangladeshis living in the UK. Though they are staying illegally, they are contributing both to the host and their home countries. For obvious reasons, the undocumented will not be interested in being registered in the voters' list. But, in future, the voters' list of NRBs (to be implemented) may be used as an instrument to nab this undocumented group.
   d. Complex identification process of eligible voters: At present, about 500,000 Bangladeshis are living in the UK. Among them many (especially from the second and third generations) do not hold Bangladesh passport and have not taken the privilege of dual citizenship. Then what will be the identifying criteria? Will all the Bangladesh origin people in the UK be registered as voters? Even the Bangladesh High Commission in the UK has no formal procedure for recording information about the UK Bangladeshi community. Will they be active (those who can participate in the election as candidates) or passive (who can only vote but have no right to participate as candidate) voters?
   Before granting voting right to NRBs, these issues should be resolved properly.
   e. Requires huge budget: The implementation of the scheme for granting voting right to the NRBs requires a lot of money. Preparing voters list, setting up an office of the EC, and conducting election will involve a lot of money. We have seen that most countries have not yet granted the voting right to their overseas citizens. Considering this, it would be very unwise to grant voting right to NRBs.
   In conclusion, it may be said that for establishing true democracy in the country the EC has to go a long way. During this crucial transition period the EC should not be involved in any debatable effort which may have adverse impact on the NRBs. Rather, the CG should address the real problems of NRBs.

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ZOELLICK WRITES TO G-8 LEADERS

World facing man-made disaster of gruesome proportion: WB President

Fazle Rashid in New York

World Bank President Robert Zoellick in a letter to Group 0f 8 said: "What we are witnessing is not a natural disaster-a silent tsunami or a perfect storm. It is a man made catastrophe and
   as such must be fixed by people." The leaders of the Group 0f 8 are assembling in Japan next week to discussion the world economic situation.
   According to The New York Times of 3 July, Zoellick in his letter has warned the Group 8 leaders that unless emergency measures are taken, the world will stand face to face with a disaster of gruesome proportion. There are 50 countries in the world which have been hard hit by soaring price of oil and an acute shortage of food at an affordable price.
   The World Bank, International Monetary Fund and the World Food Programme together need a minimum of US$10 billion to meet their short term needs. This is a test of the global system to help the most vulnerable and it cannot afford to fail, the WB president said.
   The International Monetary Fund described that soaring price of food and fuel will have a dire consequence on the economies of the developing countries. 'Some countries really are at a tipping point, if food prices rise further and oil price stay same, some governments will no longer be able to feed their people', Dominique Strauss-Kahn, IMF Managing Director predicted.
   The World Bank president in his letter to the leaders of the world's richest countries said that the combined impact of high food, fuel and other commodities is a negative shock to the world's 41 poorest countries' economies, reducing the gross domestic products by 3 to 10 percent causing broken lives and stunted potential.
   He urged the world leaders to discuss three immediate steps at the summit which include supply sufficient funds for a rapid financing facility, for those needing food aid, and establish a programme to get seeds and fertilizer to farmers specially in Africa. Zoellick passionately urged the world leaders to augment their commitment to avert starvation and instability in many countries.
   The WB president has also called upon more than a dozen countries to ease export ban on food, which has contributed to higher price. The export bans make it more difficult to move food around the world over long distance. The World Bank did not mince words in saying that conversion of food into energy have contributed to global spike in food prices. The WB is increasing its own contribution to make countries more productive in meeting their own food needs.
   President Bush has announced that America would spend nearly $5 billion to fight global hunger. He would urge world leaders in Japan to fulfil their past commitments in addition to making fresh ones. Saudi King and Kuwait have also announced funds to help mitigate the sufferings of the people in Muslim nations.

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Fuel price hike triggers people's hardship

Mohammad Ali Sattar

In the economic front the global theme of consternation is the oil price hike. The cost per barrel is leaping and is likely to hit 200 dollars mark in next five to seven years or even earlier than that. USA is the most worried stakeholder and her economists are trying to figure out the reason of the hysterical hike and its credible solution. A few of them have already come up with alternative fuel theory in next 20 years.
   Successive governments over the last decades have been trying to cope with the international market. There has been raise in the petroleum products in the past as well, but the recent spate of price hike and adjustment by the Caretaker Government (CG) has brought about wholesale frustration among the laypeople. The oil has been the deciding economic factor ever since its production started in the North and subsequently in the West Asian region. It has always been a boon for some and bane for many.
   Countries that do not produce oil and smaller economies depend on import of fuel. Most of these states have to subsidise the sector to keep their wheels running. This becomes unbearable and affects the real growth of its economy. The CG is no exception. The price adjustment has come with the new fiscal. Bangladesh Petroleum Corporation runs the show of procurement and distribution of fuel. The BPC found the present international price of oil out of reach affecting the management of the internal market. Thus they suggested the price adjustment to keep things under control.
   The most disturbing factor about the present price hike is the current state of financial mess that we are in. The inflation will make it more difficult for the CG to manage the present hike and the subsidy and growth target.
   If people in America have already changed their lifestyle - we should not take long to follow suit. Americans have cut down on driving and even shopping. They are even planning large scale change in their lifestyle.
   The foremost fallout is evident in the transport cost. The profit mongers with their age-old expertise will instantly raise all fares and charges disproportionately. Ferrying of goods across the country will be very costly, thus causing price hike of essentials. The CG has never managed to keep them in reins; this time too, the CG will do nothing to stop them in determining the fares and charges according to transport owners' sweet will. Many motor vehicle owners and chauffeurs got locked into altercations with filling station employees and managements for obvious reasons.
   The farmers will find it hard to cope with the increased prices of oil which they need for irrigation purpose. Agriculture will be yet another sector to suffer causing greater hardship to producers and consumers alike. All these will have chain effects in raising the cost of living. On the one hand we are talking of raising productivity, and on the other we are faced with a situation which hampers production.

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GLIMPSES OF THE GREAT

Maulana Abul Kalam Azad

K. Z. Islam

On 28 April 1946, while the Congress Working Committee was still engaged in examining the British Cabinet Mission's proposals, news reached Gandhiji that the Maulana Abul Kalam Azad (1888-1958), who was then Congress President, had written a letter to the Cabinet Mission without the knowledge of the Working Committee or himself. Humayun Kabir was the one who drafted the letter. The Maulana found similarity between his ideas of the solution of the communal problem and the ideas of the Cabinet Mission. The Maulana's solution was the maximum decentralization of power in the federal structure, with the provinces enjoying the largest measures of autonomy in all subjects, leaving the centre only with defence, foreign affairs, and communications. The Cabinet Mission found in the Maulana an ally in their difficult task. In the private letter to the Cabinet Mission, the Maulana had stated that there was no need for the Cabinet Mission to worry too much about Gandhiji or his misgivings about the Cabinet Mission's proposals. At the instance of Gandhiji, Sudhir Ghosh managed to get the letter as a temporary loan from the Cabinet Mission. As Gandhiji finished reading the letter and putting it aside on his small, low writing desk in front of him, the Maulana arrived for his previously arranged interview. Gandhiji asked the Maulana a straight question whether he had written a letter to the Cabinet Mission about the negotiation in progress. The Maulana flatly denied having written any such letter. Gandhiji was stunned and deeply hurt at the Maulana's untruthfulness to him.
   Stafford Cripps who was conducting the negotiations wanted to confirm with Gandhi if the letter written by Maulana Azad had been cleared by the Congress Working Committee. Cripps records in this diary.
   "So we had to arrange to see the old man without the press getting to know as otherwise it might have adversely affected Jinnah and made him think there was some frame-up. So we arranged for the old man to take his walk in the Viceroy's park and garden and 'meet' us on our way back from bathing. We went and bathed and at about 6.50 went and sat in the round sunken garden (Pethick and I) and George [Blaker] did the scout outside.
   Frank Turnbull was also at hand, and just as well, since he had to intervene in the nick of time so that the police did not stop Gandhi from entering the Viceregal grounds. Cripps was in his element.
   Gradually it became quite dark and then I heard the old man coming and went out and met him and took him on my arm and led him down to our seat where we talked and smoothed matters out. Then we left him to go out one way and we walked off in the other direction and home. A most successful operation completely undiscovered!"
   Cripps had one further assignment before bed. Azad called to admit that he had not shown the Working Committee his first reply to the invitation to Simla; nor, therefore, could he show them the Delegation's subsequent response to him on the proposed agenda without revealing his earlier omission. Cripps simply observed in his diary that 'he had got himself into a bit of a jam out of which we will get him this morning!' Since Azad had now made a clean breast of it to the understanding Cripps, a further official letter, discreetly framed, could no doubt be concocted to cover the misdemeanour.
   P.S. This letter from Azad has survived in Cripp's papers. It is handwritten - by Nehru, as Cripps must immediately have recognised, though signed by Azad. By the same token it must also have dawned on Cripps that, if Azad had been acting behind the back of Gandhi and the Working Committee, so too had Nehru, at least to the extent of trying to cover up for his friend.

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Water-logging: ADB accused of creating ecological disaster in SW region

Abdur Rahman Khan

The South-western region of Bangladesh is facing a long-term ecological disaster because of continued silt accumulation of river bed and water-logging over the years. Experts fear that the situation is to worsen further during the current wet season.
   Many of the affected people have started migrating to other places as their life turned miserable in the most vulnerable villages of Jessore, Satkhira and Khulna districts. It is nightmare for them. The villagers are gradually loosing their livelihood and shelter with the declining production of crops, vegetable, fruits, fresh water fish together with the unmitigated disaster of water logging. The stock of poultry birds continues to decline in the inundated homestead while rearing of cattle became difficult as the natural grazing lands remained inundated for long time.
   Meanwhile, the activists of Jessore-based "Save the Kabodak" movement and Khulna based People's Water Committee" feared that the situation would turn more calamitous during the current wet season with the wetlands getting swelled by the downpours in an active monsoon.
   The villagers say, the two major rivers system of Kobadak, Bhairab and their tributaries have lost their capacity to discharge the flow of water due to massive accumulation of silt and the resultant loss of depths. Besides, they also alleged that encroachment of the rivers by land grabbers, creation of obstructions for fish farming and lack of dredging contributed to the slow death of the once flowing and flourishing rivers.
   Since the rivers are unable to drain out excess water in the monsoon, the villages along the rivers and wetlands slowly go under water causing immense sufferings to the people. Poor villagers have moved into their make-shift shelters on the nearby highways.
   "You can imagine the sufferings of the people living in a water-logged village where the mud roads and market places are damaged by inundation, homestead are under knee deep water, sources of fresh water contaminated, sanitation facilities missing and children unable to attend their classes", said Anil Biswas, convener of "Save the Kobadak" movement.
   Dr Salauddin Ahmed, Civil Surgeon of Jessore admitted that water-logging contributed to various water borne diseases in the affected villages. Pneumonia, cold-cough and scabies are very much prevalent among the affected villagers. The children and elderly people are most vulnerable due to their poor resistance capacity. Moreover, the income loss and lack facility to grow vegetables in the homesteads are directly contributing to low nutritional intake making them further vulnerable to diseases.
   A prolonged water-logging and inundation of village roads and school compound have badly affected education of the children; the number of drop outs has increased and as the students could not attend their classes they performed poorly in the examination. Mohammad Shakhawat Hossain (70), a retired school teacher of Jhapa village in the worse affected Monirampur upazila of Jessore, said this cannot continue any longer.
   Fishing community of Malopara on the outskirt of Jessore town said that they can not earn their livelihood by fishing due to drying up of most of the rivers and canals resulting in decline of fish stock and their breeding places. Many of the fishermen of the locality were forced to change their professions and became rickshaw drivers or day-labourers.
   
   Salinity intrusion
   While discussing the problems of industrialization in region, National Interest Group, a newly formed think-tank in a recent seminar in Khulna pointed out that withdrawal of upstream waters and intrusion of salinity beyond the coastal zone has been affecting the development of industries.
   SM Sohrab Hossain, Khulna divisional convener of Bangladesh Poultry Industries Association mentioned that salinity was directly affecting the production of chicken and eggs in the region. "The volume of production in poultry industries is at least 6 per cent lower to that of other region of the country while the cost of production is higher by at least 5 per cent in the salinity affected areas", he said.
   Environmentalists and various non-governmental organizations believe that the ecological problem in the South-western region developed over the years as a direct consequence of obstructions created against natural flow of the rivers. Construction of the Farakka Barrage across the Ganges in India resulted in decreased flow of the rivers in the North-western region.
   The entire land in the region lying to the south of the Ganges-Padma and west of the Meghna estuary has been created by the silt brought down by the Ganges. Being younger in geological age than the northern portion of the delta, the land all along the coast is low-lying, mostly below high-tide level, and the soil is loose and therefore subject to gradual subsidence by its own weight.
   But this subsidence used to be compensated by the diurnal tides, as when the tide reaches its zenith, the flow stops, and the floating fine particles settle on the land. But unfortunately, human intervention in the 1960's altered this regime of natural land consolidation.
   
   Coastal embankment
   The situation worsened gradually with the commissioning of costal embankment project that ignored the morphological, hydrological and tectonic conditions of the area.
   During the 1960's, the then government implemented the coastal embankment project in the entire southern delta region. The avowed objective of the project was to protect the crops and homesteads of the people from tidal surges. About 4000 km of embankments were constructed to enclose all the low-lying lands into 92 polders with over seven hundred sluice gates. In the Khulna region alone, comprising Khulna, Satkhira and Bagerhat districts and a strip along the southern part of Jessore district, 1,566 km of embankments created 37 polders with 282 sluice gates.
   The construction of the embankments totally altered the nature of the land. Saline intrusion into the polders being restricted, a fresh-water regime was introduced into this once brackish environment. The farmers also were benefited by being able to cultivate crops throughout the year-for a time. After about fifteen years of so, the negative effects of the embankments began to surface.
   Construction of polders and sluice gates in the three districts in mid-60s caused increased sedimentation in the river channels leading to gradual rise in the riverbeds.
   Further construction of road network with culvert and bridge are being blamed for hastening the death of the rivers, which were once the lifeline of trade and commerce in the region. Large-scale encroachment by private land grabbers, bamboo barriers erected by fish cultivators, obstructing the rivers' normal flow with shrimp enclosures are also contributing to their death.
   By now, thirty-two kilometres of Hamkura river flowing through Jessore and Khulna districts and bordering Sonai river in Satkhira district have silted up while Kobadak, Marichchap, Chuna, Kakshiali, Betrabati, Habra, Upper Bhadra, Hari-Mukteswari, Shoilmari rivers are flowing like narrow canals at some points but turned stagnant at most of the points.
   Over five lakh people on 80,000 hectares of land spreading over Jessore, Khulna and Satkhira districts are now the victims of persistent water logging and drainage problem. The dry season scarcity of water in other areas also hampers natural irrigation forcing the people to opt for mechanized irrigation. It further contributed to arsenic contamination in many villages.
   Under such and extreme situation, villagers had to launch mass movement demanding dredging of the river Kabodak, Marichchap, Betna, Harihar and Bhadra to address the water logging problems in Satkhira, Jessore and Kushtia districts.
   Shafiqul islam, Principal of Chuknagar College in Khulna, who is also the President of People's Water Committee, stressed the need for continued dredging of the rivers and immediate removal of all illegal structures from the river to save it from extinction.
   He said the villagers with their traditional knowledge had developed the tidal river management (TRM) concept that succeeded in reducing the water-logging, improving the river flow and increasing deposition of sediment in the wetlands in the region.
   Tidal River Management (TRM) allows tidal flow into the wetland basin and releases the tidal flow back to the river. As a result of this process, sediments carried by the tidal flow are deposited on the wetland basin instead of the riverbed. The TRM prevents sediment accretion on the riverbed and ensures drainage of excess water during monsoons. It also creates better navigation in river channels
   Conceding to people's demand, the Asian Development Bank had to include the TRM concept in its Khulna-Jessore Drainage Rehabilitation Project (KJDRP). NGO sources say that authorities partially implemented the TRM system in beel Kedaria in a manner that did not allow for the open flow of tide in the wetland thus causing the creation of a permanent wetland.
   ADB's Project Completion Report in 2004 highlighted the project outputs as satisfactory but the claim was heavily disputed by local and national civil society organizations such as BanglaPraxis, Bhabhadah People's Struggle Committee, Coastal Development Partnership, Water Committee and Uttaran, among others.
   ADB has been accused of creating an ecological disaster by funding a project which, on the one hand, inundated several hundred hectares of land and on the other hand, caused rivers to dry up. They believe the project has deprived local people of their livelihood and forced them to live in inhuman conditions.

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POLITICS COILED IN CONFUSION

Awami League's game is hard to comprehend

Fazle Rashid

Bangladesh politics is coiled in confusion. It is very difficult to fathom what is going on. But upon reflexion a clear scenario emerges - Sheikh Hasina is free and in US, while Khaleda Zia is languishing in jail. Her two sons Tariq and Koko will not be able to lead normal life so long they live. They have been subjected to inhuman torture only comparable with political vengeance heard or witnessed in colonial days.
    It was no surprise to see Awami League's vigorous 'No' swiftly turning into 'Yes' to local body elections before the national elections. It has been Awami League's heritage: a cursory look at the party's history during the past 15 years will reveal the same - 'No' turning to 'Yes'. Awami League has always been cozy with military or quasi-military rule.
   Awami League's game is hard to comprehend. For quite some time it was emphatically saying it would not take part in Upazilla elections if these are held before the Parliament elections. Very recently the party has made a funny statement. It says Awami League will take part in the coming elections in collaboration with the representative of 'Sushil Samaj', pro-liberation and secular forces. The party has always been so in the past; therefore the AL's present stance will not surprise the people.
   Sheikh Hasina however is convinced that winning elections without the support of the fundamentalist forces is well nigh impossible. The party had courted and won the support of Khelafat, a more radical group than Jamaat-e-Islami prior to 1/11.
   A speculation is gaining currency among the Bangladeshi diasporas living in New York. They feel that United States has given India the responsibility of nursing Bangladesh. America has only one interest - Bangladesh shouldn't be a fundamentalist state. India has many economic and political interests to achieve; has already gained a direct rail route between Dhaka and Kolkata; and she is eyeing for the Chittagong Port and a direct link between Kolkata and Northeastern India where insurgency is on ascendancy.
   Awami League has decided to stay with the policy of conformism. Other parties are not rushing to embrace the CG's plan. The Chief Election Commissioner is an erudite person. He is a man of probity and adherence. But his claim that if the EC has the authority to hold the national elections it also has the right to hold local government elections is not commensurate with his wisdom and erudition.
   Reformist Major (retd) Hafiz has eventually realised it would be futile to go to polls without Khaleda Zia's blessings. He says he would not rush into a political decision imperilling the unity of the party. It is difficult to have trust in what the government promises. Promises become hollow if not followed with actions.
   The ACC assured that there will be no more arrest on graft charges, but that has not happened: it has framed charges of corruption against Dhaka Mayor Sadeq Hussain Khoka. Analysts observe that the Caretaker Government (CG) wishes to have someone as mayor of its choice and liking. They question: why is Tofael Ahmed still free and why warrant of arrest has been issued against Khoka? This government does not have the stomach for unwelcome expression of popular will.
   Public perception is: the elections will be held only to give a cloak of legality to the sitting administration. The CG is set to pull off a phoney victory. In coming months some kind of a 'unity' government is likely to emerge. The CG will have to maintain barest modicum of fairness in the polls to make it acceptable abroad. This is a fight Bangladesh's democracy cannot afford to lose.
   This CG clearly does not draw its strength from the Constitution. It is a quasi-military government. The country is being governed by the executive fiats. It has infringed the Constitution with impunity. In a robust democracy it is only natural that the elected government will take interest in democratic institutions. Revival of the Constitution and democracy is possible if the political forces of all hues forge a unity.

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