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Kolkata HC accepts misleading writ petition
Minority repression in Bangladesh alleged
M Shahidul Islam
The judicial organ of any nation must have the nerve and the resolve to withstand politically-motivated pressures. It must also exercise discretion in deciding whether to entertain litigations that have international ramifications and can negatively affect the country's foreign policy. After all, something may seem domestically perfect but can be totally imperfect internationally.
Yet, days before Indian Foreign Secretary Shivshankar Menon landed in Dhaka to meet with his Bangladesh counterpart and senior leaders of Bangladesh, including Chief Adviser Fakhruddin Ahmed, Foreign Adviser Iftekhar Chowdhury and Army chief General Moeen U Ahmed, a new conspiracy against Bangladesh took a concrete shape inside one of the highest bodies of the Indian judiciary.
The acceptance by the Calcutta High Court on June 19 of a writ petition filed by a little-known human rights group, Human Rights Congress for Bangladesh Minorities (HRCBM), seeking refugee status for the members of Bangladesh minorities who took shelter in India to escape what the petition said was 'violence in their home country' was not only an act of prejudice against a friendly neighbour, it was a conspicuous political ploy to serve India's foreign policy interests.
The arguments over the jurisdictional aspects of international laws aside, no Bangladesh court would have entertained similar allegations that accused the government of India of the widespread persecutions and outright murders of minority Muslims all over India, year after year.
Surprisingly, the writ petition number WP11718w/2007 is being handled by a high-powered team, comprising Chief Justice SS Nirjhar and Justice Deba Prasad Sengupta. The petition was moved jointly by an HRCBM counsel, Jasobanta Rakshit, and the head of HRCBM West Bengal chapter, Subash Chakrabarty.
The petitioners have sought issuance of an order calling upon the Government of India and the state Government of West Bengal to explain "why Bangladesh minorities who are currently residing in India escaping violence at their home country cannot be declared refugees".
The apparent legal loopholes of the petition notwithstanding, a court notice has already been served to both the central and state governments, asking them to respond to the allegations, it was learnt.
The petitioners alleged that minorities of Bangladesh were subjected to "state-sponsored discrimination" and "religious hate crime" and since 1971 millions of Bangladesh minorities have taken, and are still taking, shelter in various Indian states.
The allegations have undoubtedly cast shadows on the desired neutrality of India with respect to its effort to restore democracy in Bangladesh in concert with the USA as was claimed earlier by Nicholas Burns, US undersecretary of state.
The Indian government can hardly distance itself from the writ's institution as, by definition, any public benefit (interest) litigation is interpreted by judges to incorporate the intent of the public at large and to have public policy implications. Besides, both the central and the West Bengal governments have been made respondents in the writ.
As well, the writ seemingly aimed at drawing attention to the plights of what the petitioners claimed were "millions of those refugees" and internationalising the issue by getting the UN and the governments of both India and Bangladesh involved in the matter, sooner or later the Indian government will be drawn to it in a much direct manner.
The writ also purportedly aims at pressurising the government of Bangladesh by accusing it of state-sponsored persecutions of ethnic minorities, an assertion that has serious foreign policy implications and needs to be proved.
Whatever may be the hidden agenda, an investigation into the background of the litigation shows the ground for such a move was paved earlier in 2006 when the HRCBM filed a similar public benefit litigation with the High Court Division of Bangladesh Supreme Court, requesting the court's intervention for protection of minorities.
Although there was little evidence to prove any "intentional persecutions" of minorities in Bangladesh, the court, as a responsible measure, issued a rule nisi on the government, reminding it of its constitutional obligations toward the minorities. That being an internal affair of Bangladesh, the petitioners seemed to have acted legally as Bangladeshi citizens.
The filing of a similar petition with the Calcutta High Court, however, has different connotations and seems to have stemmed from the findings of a flawed report prepared earlier in connivance with some unknown government agency of India that made a startling conclusion about routine flights of Hindu minorities from Bangladesh to India. The petition is undoubtedly related to the routine allegations made by the Indian government of infiltration of Bangladeshis into India.
The flawed report blamed the Enemy Property (Custody and Registration) Order II of 1965, known as EPA, of the erstwhile East Pakistan government and the Presidential Order No 29 of 1972 relating to the Vested Property Act (VPA) as the root causes of discriminations against minorities in Bangladesh.
The report said the government of Bangladesh formed "Thana Vested Property Verification Committee following the issuance of a law ministry directive... on 4 November 1993 to all Deputy Commissioners, asking them to conduct verification on census list of all vested properties."
It further claimed that about 30 per cent or 10 out of every 34 Hindu households (including the missing ones) became victims of the EPA\VPA execution.
Although the estimates were based on plausible assumptions, the Association for Land Reform and Development (ALRD), a Dhaka-based NGO, wrote earlier in one of its reports that "the implementation of EPA\VPA has accelerated the process of mass out-migration of Hindu population from the mid-1960s onward. The estimated size of such out-migration (missing Hindu population) during 1964-1991 was 5.3 million, or 538 persons a day, the report said. How credible is such a finding, prima facie?
Look carefully how such accusations were built into evidence based on such assumptions. The base research faulted previous censuses, albeit by way of extrapolation, and concluded that the Hindu population of Bangladesh in 1971 would have been 11.4 million, instead of 9.6 million as reported in the official documents. Likewise, in 1981, the actual Hindu population would have been 14.3 million (12.5 million of 1981 plus 1.8 million missing during 1964-1971), instead of the 10.6 million reported in the 1981 census.
It was thus found that had there been no "out-migration" the Hindu population in 1991 would stand at 16.5 million (12.8 million as on 1991 plus 3.7 million missing during 1964-1981), instead of the 11.2 million reported in the 1991 census. Thus the estimated total missing Hindu population during the 1964-1991 was decided to be 5.3 million.
The findings of both the reports may tally, but they have failed to take into cognisance the totality of the Hindu population migrated to other countries of the world, died and/or obtained legal status in India through filial ties, matrimony or other legal recourses.
Due to the litigation being based on such uncorroborated findings and allegations, any ruling in favour of the petitioners will either impose an obligation on the Indian government to give refugee status to more than 5 million Bengali-speaking Hindus or Bangladesh will be under heavy pressure to allow them to relocate here. In any case, the litigation and its outcome will entail serious consequences for both India and Bangladesh and can metamorphose into a major bone of contention in the future.
The fact is finding more than 5 million undocumented Bengali-speaking Hindus in West Bengal, or across India, and proving beyond reasonable doubt that they had illegally migrated to India from Bangladesh since 1971 is a challenge difficult to meet. Yet, we shall await with baited breath the Calcutta High Court's decision.
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Delhi sees improved relations
with Dhaka in its own interests
Special Correspondent
Indian Foreign Secretary Shivshankar Menon concluded a four-day visit to Dhaka last week making an impression that India was fully respectful to Bangladesh's independence and sovereignty.
India would like the political parties in Bangladesh to resolve the persistent domestic problems and differences between them through dialogue, without being pressured by external forces, Menon told an interactive session in Dhaka on Wednesday.
"The people of Bangladesh and their political parties should resolve the outstanding issues through discussions and dialogues among themselves, rather than because of external intervention or pressure," he said at the dialogue styled 'Creating a South Asian Identity: India-Bangladesh Relations'.
Attaching the utmost importance to "strengthening friendly and cooperative ties" with Bangladesh, the Indian foreign secretary mentioned that "a peaceful, stable, democratic, secular, and prosperous Bangladesh is in India's own national interest".
New Delhi wants to review the gamut of relations with Dhaka to remove complications and resolve outstanding issues for improving what Menon called "physical, economic, and mental connectivity".
During the visit, the Indian foreign secretary called on the chief adviser to interim administration, Fakhruddin Ahmed, and the Army chief, Moeen U. Ahmed, besides holding official talks with his counterpart Touhid Hossain.
On Wednesday he called on two of Bangladesh's former prime ministers-Khaleda Zia and Sheikh Hasina-separately and discussed a wide range of bilateral matters.
Meanwhile, Indian analysts observed that New Delhi's overriding business and security needs had forced it to overcome a reluctance to deal with the military regimes in some Asian countries.
The latest sign of this real politik was the red-carpet welcome accorded to Thailand's military-installed Prime Minister Surayud Chulanont last week when he arrived in New Delhi on his first official visit.
Apart from Thailand, India has close dealings with the military junta in the neighbouring Myanmar, which has been helping the Indian Army deal with separatist rebels operating in India's remote northeast.
Bangladesh, now run by a military-backed emergency government, is also a neighbour whose prosperity is viewed by India as its own national interest.
And India has to deal with its arch-rival Pakistan and its President Pervez Musharraf. Although India campaigned for the expulsion of Pakistan from the Commonwealth grouping after Musharraf's coup in 1999, it did not oppose its readmission in 2005.
Fears of China's assertive diplomacy in the region have also pressed India to rethink its relations with the neighbours, analysts said.
An editorial in the Indian Express on Monday cited Bangladesh's military-backed regime's willingness to combat religious extremism, crack down on Indian insurgent groups, and provide trade transit facilities.
If Bangladesh is ready to cooperate on these more overriding matters, the paper said, "India should be prepared to walk the extra mile".
New Delhi is looking at the current situation in Bangladesh with great interest. After years of turbulent relations, it is ironic that New Delhi is now basking in a sense of reassurance over the possibility of good neighbourly relations with Bangladesh, with the army-backed interim government appearing to be firmly in office in Dhaka.
Since it took over in January, the tenor of statements emanating from the highest levels in the interim administration has enthused New Delhi for a variety of reasons. Indian diplomats and security officials in particular have expressed approval for Dhaka's crackdown on 'terror'.
Indeed, hopes have been stoked in the Indian establishment that the government headed by Fakhruddin Ahmed, a former banker, will eventually take the long-awaited steps that may choke off the insurgents from Northeast India, who New Delhi is convinced are taking refuge across the border in Bangladesh.
But there are also hopes that the current administration in Dhaka will energise Indo-Bangladeshi ties that have been at a low over the past decade. In particular, this could translate into creating an atmosphere of trust and goodwill to boost mutually beneficial economic measures.
To optimistic observers, New Delhi and Dhaka in recent years have maintained a hot-and-cold relationship, largely defined by who has been in power in Bangladesh-either the seemingly secular Awami League or the conservative Bangladesh Nationalist Party.
At least on the surface, things have changed significantly since the interim government took over in January and imposed a state of emergency. The most 'reassuring' signal from the interim government in Dhaka was sent to New Delhi on March 30, when the authorities executed the masterminds behind the rising Islamist militancy in Bangladesh-the Jama'atul Mujahideen Bangladesh chief Abdur Rahman and his deputy Siddiqul Islam alias Bangla Bhai.
With its hands full in Kashmir, India has been extremely wary of the possibility of a new front on the east, along the 4,100km porous border, particularly in the wake of controversial Western reports that the country was becoming a hub of al-Qaeda-linked Islamist forces.
Indian media observe that the possibility of the Bangladesh Army taking over direct power appears unlikely, particularly given the role its ranks have been playing in lucrative peacekeeping missions. This is all the more reason, then, for India to engage with the interim government and give it the much-needed support.
Apart from keeping contact with the Fakhruddin regime, New Delhi must also take into account the possibility that sections from within the interim authorities (or an entirely new political force, including fresh faces from the existing political parties) could call the shots in the next general elections and beyond, with, perhaps, the backing of the army.
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No politics before bigwigs' trial
Special Correspondent
Resumption of political activities is unlikely until the trials of political bigwigs accused of corruption are completed. Major political parties including BNP and Awami League have undertaken reforms and are weeding out those who have been accused of corruption including the party chiefs.
It is widely believed that if the most egregious corrupt politicians cannot be convicted before the election by the end of next year, the political parties will find it irresistible to welcome them back to the fold. The beneficiaries of the corrupt politics will again rally round them and get them elected by using the money and muscle power.
There lies the danger. "If the known looters escape the due process of justice, the mid-ranking officers of the armed forces may press for a harsh military intervention and seek strong action," said a reliable source. Understandably, the political reformists are aware of such a prospect in the event of their failure.
It is also learnt that the Caretaker Government (CG) is facing no external pressure for early restoration of political activities and holding of election as speculated by certain quarters. Diplomats stationed in Dhaka and emissaries from different countries who visited Bangladesh in the recent past were learnt to be convinced of the government's good intention and its programme of reforming electoral rules and processes. They are also convinced that reforms in political parties are equally essential for functioning of a democracy.
It is apparent that the administration itself is overburdened with too much workload. Ten Advisers cannot cope with so many issues of more than 40 ministries and divisions. The government is still looking for a scope of enlarging the council of advisers without violating the Constitution. Spiralling price of essentials is another problem. Common people are not inclined to accept that the price hike is a global phenomenon.
Moreover, there is an apprehension of flooding in July-August. Unknown and unexpected natural calamities may inflict the nation, which will require tremendous efforts and huge amount of money and resources to tackle.
Many suggest that the Election Commission (EC) should take the political parties into cognisance in finalising reforms in election rules and process. The politicians should have a say in this matter. After all election reforms and rules are meant for politicians. The EC is likely to start discussing with political parties on completion of reforms within the political parties.
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Nuclear power is a must for Bangladesh
Shamsuddin Ahmed
It came after four and a half decades. Bangladesh had kept alive the hope all these years and spent around Tk 20 lakh annually to maintain the partial infrastructure of the proposed Rooppur Nuclear Power Plant built initially at Iswardi in Pabna district. At least 17 employees are still posted at the site. The International Atomic Energy Agency, the global nuclear watchdog, has at long last approved the government plan to set up the nuclear power plant. Hopefully, Rooppur Nuclear Power Plant project will be implemented.
But, it comes at a time when others including our neighbours have advanced far with new technology in generation of the much-needed electricity. India is racing fast in renewable energy. Wind power installations with a total output of 1,840mw were commissioned there last year alone, raising the country's wind power generation capacity to 6,000mw. In Nepal, 100,000 biogas plants have been built. In three years, it will triple the number. China is having small-scale power plants using solar, wind and water power to reach electricity to every one by 2010. Bangladesh is lagging far behind its neighbours.
Rooppur Power Plant has a long history. It was planned back in 1962 along with Kauhata Nuclear Power Plant in Pakistan. Kauhata plant was set up in time, but the Pakistani rulers shelved the Rooppur plant project because of political reasons. A few Bengali nuclear scientists, who made immense contributions to the Kauhata plant, returned home after the independence of Bangladesh with a dream to build the Rooppur plant. By now all of them have died with their dream unfulfilled.
The Kauhata plant gave Pakistan the strength, prestige, and honour as the first Muslim country in the world to acquire nuclear arsenal. Many in Pakistan do believe that they would have been annihilated by their archenemy if Pakistan did not have the nuclear deterrence.
Bangladesh, one of the poorest countries of the world, has neither the aspiration nor the capability to make nukes. Since its inception, the nation has been reeling under severe shortage of electricity which impeded its industrial growth, despite potentials. Even the existing industries have been limping or turning sick from lack of electricity to keep their wheels running. Severe load-shedding is one of the main factors of heavy losses incurred by jute mills which are closing down one after another. Foreign investors are shying away. The power crisis became so acute that it led to clashes between people and the police and a number of deaths in different parts of the country.
Repeated attempts by the government to install Rooppur Nuclear Power Plant ended in failure. It was originally planned to have 70mw generation capacity. The Bangladesh Atomic Energy Commission (BAEC) raised the capacity to 200mw in 1973 and again to 300mw in 1979, when France pledged the necessary assistance. In 1988, the German government offered to build a 330mw plant at a cost of Tk 2,000 crore. The BAEC again raised the capacity to 600mw and IAEA Director Dr Annick Caarni visited Rooppur on June 19, 2001. On his assurance the then energy minister, Gen (rtd) Noor Uddin, who accompanied him to Iswardi, declared that the prime minister would inaugurate the construction work of the plant on December 12, 2001. But, the projections fell flat. It is said our big neighbour had always raised objection to the project in international forums.
We already have a 3mw nuclear plant at Savar, set up in early 80s, the products of which are used for medical and agricultural purposes. The IAEA delegation now visiting Bangladesh to finalise the guidelines for the Rooppur plant appreciated the high standard of efficiency of the BAEC in transferring nuclear technology to different fields. It is needless to mention that Bangladesh has produced dozens of nuclear scientists. Some of them are serving with reputation at the NASA.
The initial cost of the plant will be quite high and it will take at least five years to set it up. It is estimated that the 600mw plant will now cost about one billion US dollars. But, the power generation cost will be one-fourth of the gas-fired power plants. The proven gas of the country may last another decade or so, with the volume now being burnt everyday.
South Korea has offered assistance to set up the plant. A Bangladeshi delegation will visit Seoul next month. It is hoped that a deal will be finalised for an early start of work of the plant.
The demand for electricity is growing fast. Existing power plants are becoming old and obsolete, requiring frequent overhauling. It is imperative that the government plans for development of renewable energy. Instead of depending on the limited gas and considering importing electricity, we should also exploit unending wind, solar, and biogas sources for power generation. Why cannot we do it when our neighbours are succeeding?
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Reforms shatter political parties
Abdur Rahman Khan
With the events shattering political parties like the BNP, Awami League, Jatiya Party and even the seven-month-old LDP, the fourth week of June may become known as a reform week in the history of Bangladesh. Citizens at this stage, however, appear to be politically unconcerned and inactive under the emergency rule.
Ironically, the events coincided with the historical changeover of June 23, 1757, when the mercenaries of the East India Company won the Battle of Plassey, killed Nawab Sirajuddowla, and initiated a colonial rule in Bengal and subsequently entire India for long 200 years. History tells that the Plassey tragedy took place as conspirators in the ruling circle of Murshidabad and native business syndicates were out to mint their personal benefits while the people remained politically inactive.
Last week, Bangladesh witnessed a series of political melodramas with a certain degree of tragedy, and some farces as well. As the AL general secretary was thrown into prison, the BNP secretary general preferred to stay out by taking the risk of breaking relations with the party chairperson who blessed him with the position as well as a high-profile portfolio in her cabinet for five years. Ending all speculations and month-long negotiations, Abdul Mannan Bhuiyan also ran a risk of being blamed for breaking the BNP and acting against the party discipline by making a public statement on party reforms.
Bangladesh Nationalist Party, which relinquished power after completing the five-year tenure in October 2006, is now facing an organisational crisis with the leadership of its Chairperson Begum Khaleda Zia being challenged by a group of senior leaders led by the party secretary general, Abdul Mannan Bhuiyan.
The reform package as announced before the media was aimed at curtailing the power of the party chairperson. It has also been proposed that one cannot be the party chief for more than two terms and hold the office of prime minister for more than two terms. The proposal denies the possibility of Khaleda Zia remaining the party chief or becoming the prime minister in future since she has already served as the BNP chairperson and prime minister for two terms.
Although political activities are banned under the present emergency rule, the BNP secretary general was allowed to float the set of reform proposals.
Khaleda Zia instantly welcomed the proposals but mentioned that such proposals should be adopted not by a handful of leaders but by a party council of delegates from across the country. A council may be held after the government withdraws the restrictions on politics.
Although some BNP leaders raised questions about Mannan Bhuiyan's proposals in public without waiting for resolution of the matter in party forum, the reformists are reportedly planning to hold a special council with permission of the government.
Simultaneously, a group of AL leaders was preparing another set of reform proposals for that party. Ameer Hossain Amu, Abdur Razzak, Tofail Ahmed, and Suranjit Sen Gupta are at the forefront of working out the proposals. The reformists, however, made it clear that they would submit the proposals to the party chief for resolution in an appropriate party forum. Awami League President Sheikh Hasina told newspersons that her party had been undergoing reforms since its inception and she was ready to discuss the matter at a party council.
Jatiya Party is also facing a spilt on the reform issue as Rowshan Ershad, a presidium member and wife of party Chairman HM Ershad, announced Tuesday a reform proposal, keeping the chairman away from the process. Ershad challenged Rowshan's authority for making the move and said she might face disciplinary actions.
On Wednesday, Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) faced a similar situation with the party chief, Professor Dr Badruddoza Chowdhury, dissolving the party presidium and announcing a new committee leaving out party stalwarts like Col (rtd) Oli Ahmed. Badruddoza's son Mahi B Chowdhury had abandoned him earlier and two LDP leaders, Redwan Ahmed and Mohammad Ali Jinnah, were arrested on Wednesday.
In the meantime, a new party is being organised by a newspaper editor cum politician, Dr Ferdous Ahmed Quoreshi, by picking splinter groups of various parties including the BNP, Awami League, and Jatiya Party.
To the surprise of political circles, the reform phenomenon, however, has not affected Jamaat-e-Islami, a major partner of the BNP-led alliance that had ruled the country from 2001 to 2006.
While the major political parties are going through reforms, an adviser to the interim government, Gen (rtd) MA Matin, told the media last week that they were not going to allow the old political leaders and parties to return to power.
Denying their role in the reform process, Adviser Mainul Hosein said they were not putting any pressure, rather the parties preferred to go for reforms under the pressure of 'circumstances'.
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Referendum a must for any
constitutional change
M.I. Ali
Bangladesh abounds with good intentions, and the interim Caretaker Government (CG) is forging ahead with its plans to root out all evils from the government and the society. The political activists are enthusiastically holding powwows to rid their respective political parties of the post-Liberation ills that have been ailing them and the Samaritan members of the so-called international donor group are actively pursuing their advisory role to influence whosoever wants to be influenced by them.
There is now a broad consensus among the people of Bangladesh that the brand of politics that prevailed in this country in the pre-1/11 period stands rejected. This realisation and their support to the reform movement are the second biggest achievement of the nation and ranks only behind the Liberation struggles of the country. This may very well go down in history as the time when Bangladesh realised its mistakes.
Kudos are due to the advisers, including the Chief Adviser, for steering clear of the country's corps of 'intelligentsia', various section of whom have variously advised the various governments of this country. This bragging cadre of pompous personalities is still very active on the satellite television channels of their 'gharana', belching out their big ideas. These are the same people who had screaming themselves hoarse in support of the political parties of their choice and the political dynasties that they promoted at that time. These are the original sycophants and the present administration has done well by steering clear of them.
Opportunity smiles but once and this is our opportunity to set all things right or to at least, as far as possible, set them on the right course. All institutions that are needed to protect democracy from the political hyenas and to facilitate its smooth practice in this country must be put in place before power is handed over to the politicians.
It must also be ensured that these institutions are adequately staffed with people who are competent to run them and that these institutions are functioning as per their charter. If they fail to do this then politicians who return to power in future will once again make them their surrogate organisations, as was the case in the past.
Once they have accomplished their mission, the present interim government must hold a referendum to incorporate the necessary amendments in the Constitution so that they become irreversible. Should there be any debate as to whether this administration can or can not hold a referendum to bring about constitutional changes, let that be debated in the Parliament that will take over after the next elections. After all, this is too serious a matter to be dealt with by anyone other than an elected Parliament.
Judging the mood of the people, a majority of those who support referendum will be returned to the next Parliament.
Our Constitution unfortunately has a sad past; it was adopted on December 16, 1972 and in less than a year, on September 22, 1973, the same Parliamentarians who had given the nation its Constitution, amended it to suspend the fundamental rights of the citizens of this country. The story does not end here, the same Parliamentarians then went on to discard the Parliamentary form of government on January 25, 1975 and on that day, to quote the Banglapedia, "the presidential form of government was introduced in place of the parliamentary system; a one-party rule in place of a multi-party democracy was introduced; the powers of the Jatiya Sangsad were curtailed; the Judiciary lost much of its independence; the Supreme Court was deprived of its jurisdiction over the protection and enforcement of fundamental rights." The Fourth Amendment created an all powerful presidency which has continued till date, giving the president or the prime minister as the case may be, full dictatorial powers to rule this country.
Politicians with the help and encouragement of their lackeys have reduced one of the best Constitutions in the world into what it has become today, an instrument in the hands of the politicians in power to plunder the country.
The people of this country, and not the parliamentarians, are the masters of the Constitution. People through their support to the present administration have demonstrated that they want a change in the way this country is run and the only way it can be done is through a referendum. In fact, there should be a constitutional provision that all constitutional amendments must be approved by a referendum conducted by a truly independent Election Commission. This is the only way to return power to a sovereign people from whom it was usurped by unscrupulous politicians.
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White House under fire for Iraq policy
Fazle Rashid in New York
The White House is in a deep distress. Compliant and obsequious ruling party lawmakers are fuming with anger. The mutinous Republicans, whose number is growing, have started saying enough is enough. They want the American troops out of Iraq.
Senators Lugar, Voinovich, Snow, and Warner have started saying 'tide is shifting'. The protest once heard in murmur is now growing louder. A group of high school Presidential scholars who visited the White House on Monday caught President Bush on the wrong foot by urging him not to smear the image of America and let it be known as a violator of human rights. They insisted that the Geneva Convention be applied with terror detainees now held without trial at the Guantanamo Bay prison. The students said the administration has put to shame many Americans by subverting the values like abiding by the constitution and respecting human dignity that the country has always held dear.
More than half of the Americans aged 17-29 in a survey said they would vote Democrats in 2008. They share a negative view of the president, who has a 28 per cent approval rating. The CIA has released a document on how it was engaged in domestic wiretapping and assassination plots and how it spied on journalists. Many activities about overseas operations and congressional investigations have not been recorded in the document. Some analysts said the release of the document was intended to distract attention from the present controversies.
Historians and researchers have expressed disappointment at the document being heavily censored. It admits that the CIA was directly involved in the assassination of Rafael Trujillo, president of the Dominican Republic, in May 1961 and in the failed bid to kill Patrice Lumumba of the Democratic Republic of Congo in 1960. The CIA tried and failed to poison him. It also had engaged mafia to kill Fidel Castro but failed.
The broad outlines of the CIA's illegal activities have been known worldwide. The papers provide a dark history of the climate both at the CIA and Washington during the Cold War and the Vietnam War. The agency undertook plots to kill or overthrow leaders in South America, Africa and the West Indies during Eisenhower and Kennedy administrations. It has been under fire for its secret prisons and harsh interrogation practices since 9/11. The CIA has also been accused of misuse of money and using resources for political purposes.
Back to war in Iraq; the waning Republican support for President Bush's strategy there have had an adverse impact on the White House. The White House promptly began work to contain the damages caused by the Republicans' anti-war stance. Senator Lugar, who is leading the anti-war offensive, will have a meeting on the Capitol Hill with Stephen Hadley, national security adviser. The senator said it was too late for devising an exit strategy. The United States has become diplomatically paralysed in the Middle East and across the globe, he maintained.
All leading Democratic Party front-runners for the 2008 presidential election-Hillary Clinton, Barack Obama and John Edwards-are leading in the opinion polls against the Republican front-runners.
Tailpiece: Virginia Wolf is an acclaimed British novelist. She drowned. Many say she committed suicide, driven by despair. In her novel 'A room of one's own', she said if she were given the option between the right to vote and an income, she would opt for money.
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Glimpses of the Great
Henry Kissinger
K Z Islam
Henry Kissinger dominated American foreign policy during the most crucial period after the beginning of the Cold War. Along with Richard Nixon and Gerald Ford (November 1968-1977) he presided over the end of direct global military intervention and the emergence of the Soviet Union as an equal to the United States. He commenced detente with the Soviets, a new relationship with China, and brought the United States into the Middle East as the major player. Kissinger became the head of National Security Council of President Nixon on 25 November 1968 and 22 September 1973 he was sworn in as Secretary of State to Nixon. As the National Security Advisor Kissinger virtually ruled US Foreign Policy single-handed reporting only to the President and not being accountable to the Congress.
Henry Kissinger's greatest achievement was the opening of relations between the United States and the People's Republic of China. The trip to China came about through the intervention of Pakistan's Presidents Ayub Khan and Yahya Khan. The latter relayed to Kissinger word that Chou Enlai was eager to receive him in Beijing on July 9, 1971. The National Security Adviser quickly accepted the offer, foreseeing enormous gains for the United States, the Nixon administration, and himself.
Kissinger's trip to China did more than anything else to establish his and Nixon's reputation as diplomatic dramatists. On July 9 he dropped out of sight on a trip to Pakistan, claiming a stomach ache. On July 15, President Nixon announced that Kissinger had just returned from China. While in Beijing Kissinger met Chou Enlai over three days and Kissinger became infatuated with the Chinese leader's grasp of world politics. After his conversations with Chou Enlai, Kissinger was everywhere. Kissinger described Chou as "one of the two or three most impressive men I have ever met". Cover stories in Time and Newsweek vied with portraits of him on each of the evening news shows. He became Henry the K, Superkraut, and the Modern Metternich. U.S. News and World Report believed that "Kissinger's secret mission to red China has few parallels in the annals of U.S. diplomacy. . . The mission gave a new dimension to the remarkable career of Mr. Kissinger." The thirst for stories about Kissinger became almost insatiable. The Ladies' Home Journal ran a major article on Kissinger's two private secretaries who accompanied him to China. "Pretty," having "the leggy curves and radiant faces that draw men across crowded rooms," they were "the two most indispensable women in the life of 48-year-old Henry Kissinger . . who literally has the whole world on his mind."
Throughout his assignment with the Presidents, Kissinger achieved a celebrity status unlike that accorded to any previous American diplomat. The Gallup Poll listed him as the most admired man in America in 1972 and 1973. He won a Nobel Peace Prize in 1973. At the height of his popularity, he was even regarded as something of a sex symbol, earning him the nickname 'French Kissinger'. He was quoted as saying "Power is the ultimate aphrodisiac".
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Reform spree of pushy politicians
A. K. Faezul Huq
The political arena is replete with a plethora of reformists running all around. Some of them, it seems, are also working overtime and issuing sermons ? both palatable and otherwise. On the other hand, the promoters of status quo are also active in their own way. The target politicians are obviously Sheikh Hasina and Begum Khaleda Zia; and to some extent Gen Ershad. However, there is a gulf of difference between Awami reformists and nationalist reformists.
AL reformists
While the Awami League reformists started the campaign months ago and eventually had a "minus Hasina" formula in their head, the BNP reformist group suddenly appeared on the scene when Mannan Bhuiyan changed his original tone and came out with wide criticism of the party leadership, [as if he was nobody in the party and had done no harm to its cause!]
Amu's overture
Similarly, in the cozy environment of his Singapore apartment, Janab Amir Husain Amu found it most expedient and convenient to complete the spadework of the reform proposals, sitting thousands of miles away from Bangladesh, followed by top leaders meeting there in April and May 2007. When everything was taken as complete, he got the signal and made an air dash to Dhaka to launch his reform proposals. But unfortunately he made a basic mistake along with his learned reformist colleagues. He was not exactly aware of the party workers' and mid-level leaders' deep sentiments, or shall we say, he and his cohorts completely misread the Awami public mind.
Everyone wants reforms no doubt, but at what cost? Certainly not the way some leaders are behaving and trying to impose their ideas on everybody. Amu's hi-fi ideas backfired and Hasina, as aggressive and vibrant as ever, launched a counter-campaign and dislodged everything that was prepared against her. The lady was back again on the tracks.
With Begum Zia, the story however is quite different. In BNP, everyone is a top leader -- even the most corrupt ones who get regular TV footage. In order to save their skins, they are now trying to put all blame on Begum Zia's shoulders, so that they may be let off in the future as clean BNP stalwarts. But again, the million dollar question is: could Begum Zia and her 'designated crown prince' son, indulge in so much of overt and covert corruption without the active support and cooperation of top party leaders, some of whom were also members of the 66-strong cabinet? Almost everyone was involved in the shady deals, but suddenly the devils have even turned angels overnight. If Begum Zia has to go out of political circulation, lose all her political privileges, then her collaborators in the loot and plunder game should also go along with her and face the legal process. BNP would still have many honest and competent leaders to guide the ship competently in the future.
TI's Farman
And the irony is: Mannan Bhuiyan, against whose ministry, [LGRD to be exact], a 'Farman', or an identification memorandum was issued by the Transparency International [TI], terming it as the most corrupt outfit in Bangladesh, along with its top boss, i.e. the Minister himself, now speaks of party reforms and honest politics! For God's sake, there should be an end to such uninterrupted hypocrisy. And how can good people like General Z. A. Khan, M. K. Anwar, General Mahbub and their likes become party to Bhuiyan's conspiratorial blueprint?
Long wings
Of course, both Hasina's and Khaleda's long wings need to be cut to size; they should be compelled to choose between remaining the party head or the Prime Minister and their term of office should also be restricted to two maximum terms.
Further, party decisions should be taken collectively at all times and when they head the government(s) in future as Prime Ministers, [which is still very likely], they should not miss the most important point of 'collectivel responsibility' also.
Obviously, all that has been pointed out above is included in the reform proposals of both the parties, especially the 15-point reform proposals, which were released to the press on 26th of June 2007 by Mannan Bhuiyan. Only a sincere implementation is eagerly awaited, but that should not be thrust from above, rather it should come in a constitutional manner and through the vetting and perusal of the councilors.
On the other hand, H M Ershad's is a different case altogether. He took over power unconstitutionally in March 1982, steamrolled his ideas and all through behaved like a 'perfect autocrat'. He had his reward also when people showed him the exit gate with due ignominy in the winter of 1990. His colleagues and supporters are already scattered all over; thinking what to do, whether to join Ferdous Qureshis's bandwagon or bring in more reforms in the party and push aside Ershad all together. But once again, like the BNP and Awami League, the JP without Ershad would also be a 'big zero'. Obviously the JP also needs total reforms, but it has to be with Ershad in the centre.
General Meer Shaukat Ali was very correct the other day when he said in a TV interview that the BNP reformists are making a big mistake by targeting Begum Zia with an ill motive. They should concentrate on pure reforms he said, which would automatically keep or throw the bad elements from the party. The same applies to the JP reformists who have unnecessarily dragged in a political novice and nonentity -- Begum Rowshan Ershad -- and pitted her against her husband, only to get some media coverage or may be to blackmail Ershad and get some leverage, in this case good amount of money, who knows?
However, the bottom line is: There shall have to be drastic reforms at the earliest, all over, which should be ratified by the full-fledged councilors of the parties concerned. In fact when the present interim government leaves by the end of 2008, the nation should have all good things in their midst with purified political organizations also. That would indeed take the nation, thousands of miles ahead.
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LOOK EAST POLICY
India to improve ties with Myanmar
Nava Thakuria in Guwahati
For India, Myanmar will remain a strategic partner, reiterated the External Affairs Minister Pranab Mukherjee during his recent visit to the Northeast. Talking to a group of journalists and civil society representatives in Shillong, Mukherjee reconfirmed New Delhi's pristine relationship with Yangon, now Nay Pyi Taw, nurtured for more than a decade now.
At an interactive session styled 'Look East Policy: Geography as an Opportunity', organised on June 16 by the Public Diplomacy Division of his ministry, Mukherjee also underscored the importance of Myanmar for a pragmatic implementation of New Delhi's Look East Policy.
Developing ties with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) has been a major aim of the policy, which also aims at enhancing regional cooperation under the blocs like BIMSTEC and SAARC. These associations have identified a number of areas, including education, trade and commerce, energy, and food security, for development, the foreign minister pointed out.
"Increased economic activities will lead to a robust growth and the welfare of the local population," Mukherjee observed while discussing the "steps taken on foreign policy and domestic fronts". These require simplification of border trade procedures and improving physical connectivity and actions on these fronts, including cooperation with neighbours, he argued.
Mukherjee said India was already involved in a variety of cross-border development projects in areas like roads, railways, telecommunications, IT, science and technology, power etc to improve connectivity between its northeast states and Myanmar, now run by a military junta.
The northeast states, if integrated through cross-border market access, can become a bridge between the Indian economy and what is beyond doubt the fastest-growing and dynamic region in the world due to the paradigm shift from state centralism to interdependence and global and regional cooperation, the minister maintained.
India, however, has drawn flak from the international community for maintaining strategic ties with the military dictators of Myanmar who had been responsible for the long detention of the Nobel laureate and Burmese democracy icon, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. The National League for Democracy chief, Suu Kyi, has been under house arrest for the last four years. Recently, the ruling State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) of Myanmar has extended her detention by one more year. NLD candidates won almost 80 per cent seats in the last general elections held in 1990. But, the ruling junta refused to hand over power to the party led by Suu Kyi. Instead, they launched a reign of repression against the democratic forces, which has continued till this date in various forms.
The international community has continued to condemn the regime as one of the worst violators of human rights and press freedom. Recently, the International Labour Organisation (ILO) has warned the SPDC for ignoring ILO recommendations to prevent the practice of forced labour in the country. "The imposition of forced labour continues to be widespread, particularly by the Myanmar army, to which specific instructions should be issued," the ILO asserted. Besides, the SPDC chief, General Than Shwe, has been singled out as a menace to press freedom by the Paris-based Reporters Sans Frontiers. In a report, it accused the SPDC of arresting at least 50 journalists and maintaining absolute control over the Myanmar media and said the country's only English daily, The New light of Myanmar, was predictably being used by the regime as its mouthpiece.
The Myanmar media is not allowed to cover any activity related to Suu Kyi. No journalist has access to the detained political leader. Many news portals that had been critical of the military regime were banned in the country. The vernacular media outlets, mostly in Burmese, remain tight-lipped in reporting on ongoing atrocities on the common people and human-right violations by the military rulers throughout the country.
To the civil society of India in general and the media in particular, Myanmar is a land of atrocities, human-right violations and notorious press censorship. But, all that has failed to persuade New Delhi to snap ties with the military rulers of Myanmar for a number of reasons. India is very much concerned over the presence of north-eastern militants in northern Myanmar. New Delhi believes many armed outfits like the NSCN (both K and IM factions), ULFA, PLA, PREPAK, UNLF, KYKL, and KCP who are fighting New Delhi to realise demands ranging from sovereignty to self-rule, run their training camps in the dense jungles of northern Myanmar.
Moreover, Myanmar can play an important role in realising India's Look East Policy, under which New Delhi proposes improved land connectivity with the Southeast Asian countries for trade. At the same time, India wants to prevent China's increasing presence in Myanmar which has a number of geo-strategic implications for New Delhi and, hence, emphasises engaging the present Myanmar rulers in a greater bilateral economic cooperation.
Mukherjee stressed the importance of Northeast in the Look East Policy and beyond. He said New Delhi was aware of the geo-economic potentials of the region, surrounded by Nepal, Bhutan, Tibet, Myanmar, and Bangladesh as a gateway to the East and Southeast Asia.
Meghalaya Governor BL Joshi and Chief Minister DD Lapang, and senior officials of the Foreign Office and other government agencies also took part in the interaction.
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