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Iconic status of Hasina, Khaleda
stems the tide of reforms
M.I. Ali
The top agenda of the principals of 1/11 is to bring about a change in the autocratic and dynastic character of the two major political parties who dominate the country's politics. The government's chosen way to effect this change seems to be removing the two paramount ladies who enjoy and exercise a total dictatorial authority over their parties to make way for new democratic leadership to take over. This idea has been enthusiastically endorsed by some of the lesser politicians who have taken upon themselves the task of democratising their parties. The administration, despite the ban on political activities, is allowing them to do whatever is politically necessary to implement their reform plans.
But, despite the initial success of bringing together some party stalwarts to carry forward the reform plans and the media hype in support of the reformists, the response of grassroots party activists appears to be lukewarm. This is very confusing for the administration, because while there is groundswell of support for the government's anticorruption activities and moves to democratise the country's political system, the grassroots party activists who represent the masses do not seem enthusiastic about getting rid of their present party chiefs.
Thus, at the initial stage, when the reform activities were limited to drawing-room dialogues in Dhaka, the two beleaguered ladies appeared to be weak and on the verge of being rendered irrelevant in national politics. Dissident leaders of both parties read out their reform proposals one after another and the stage was set to make the necessary arrangements to hold their party councils to formalise their plans. These leaders then began to contact the grassroots party workers and that was when they suffered the setback. Blemished or otherwise, the grassroots leaders seemed unwilling to cast aside the chairperson and president of their respective parties in favour of lesser mortals.
This reaction is understandable only when one tries to take into account what these two leaders represent to their followers and supporters. To the average Awami Leaguer, Sheikh Hasina is the protector of secularism, the now-defunct Indo-Bangladesh Friendship Treaty, and the 'Bangabandhu cult'. Members of this cult occupy prominent positions in the society and can be seen in almost all talk shows on all TV channels where they are very vocal in protecting and propagating their beliefs. Although a minority, the strength of their conviction can be intimidating to most of those who do not share their views. These people draw their strength and support from Sheikh Hasina and do not feel that their creed would be safe in the hands of people who can be persuaded to oppose her. This is the view of most grassroots Awami Leaguers and therefore the reformists of the party are losing grounds to the conformists.
Similar is the case with the reformists in the BNP. The grassroots BNP activists know that Khaleda Zia will never be intimidated by the pro-Awami League intelligentsia and their liberal Islamic and right-of-centre politics is safe in her hands. It may be noted here that the Six-Point Programme of Awami League which the people supported, giving the party the historic victory in 1970 and the subsequent conflict that led to the Liberation War, did not contain anything about secularism or, for that matter, socialism. The Six Points were economic and security doctrines and are reproduced below for the benefit of the reader:
1. The Constitution should provide for a Federation of Pakistan in the true sense on the basis of the Lahore Resolution and for a parliamentary form of government based on the supremacy of a directly-elected legislature on the basis of universal adult franchise.
2. The Federal Government shall deal with only two subjects: Defence and Foreign Affairs. All residuary subjects will be vested in the federating states.
3. There should be either two separate, freely convertible currencies for the two Wings or one currency with two separate reserve banks to prevent inter-Wing flight of capital.
4. The power of taxation and revenue collection shall be vested in the federating units. The Federal Government will receive a share to meet its financial obligations.
5. Economic disparities between the two Wings shall disappear through a series of economic, fiscal, and legal reforms.
6. A militia or paramilitary force must be created in East Pakistan, which at present has no defence of its own.
Grassroots supporters of the BNP feel that alien philosophies and ideas, such as socialism, secularism etc, are being imposed on the people of this country in the name of the Liberation War which was fought on the basis of the Six Points and only Khaleda Zia is strong enough to resist them.
Corruption in this country is a serious problem, but, to the average BNP supporters, dominance of the Indophiles is an even greater threat to their life and lifestyle. Although the average BNP supporters are not communal, to them secularism means the imposition of a culture that denies the fact that Muslims have been in this country for more than eight hundred years and that during this period they have developed an independent culture, society, and lifestyle which has existed in harmony with other religions and cultures.
The reformists are unfortunately those same people who have meekly followed their party chiefs for years and never had the guts to disagree or protest when all the wrongdoings were taking place. They are good followers who had vested all executive powers in their respective leaders, not the strong leadership that is expected in Awami League and BNP, the kind of leadership that Sheikh Hasina and Khaleda Zia gave them.
Leadership cannot be imposed on parties like Awami League and BNP; it has to grow from within. Unfortunately, neither Hasina nor Khaleda allowed this to happen. There is an opportunity now to build new leadership in both the parties and for that purpose democratic elections should be held by both parties at upazila, district, division, and national levels to elect the people who will lead the parties to the next national elections. Anything short of this will be artificial and is unlikely to succeed.
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Avowed destination and hurdles
High prices, power sector, crimes
reduce govt.'s popularity
A.K. Faezul Huq
I am sure, the day Dr. Fakhruddin Ahmed took over as head of the interim government, i.e., on 11th January 2007, he must have immediately set the prime goal of his government without any confusion whatsoever. But after six months of incumbency, when we speak of those set goals, the eventual destination of this government, achievements, and failures, the balance sheet that unfolds in front of us, unfortunately tilts the other way round or, shall we say, 'unfavourable', in just one word. Not that Dr. Fakhruddin's government is without any achievement(s) within this short period of time, but unfortunately two things clearly upsets everyone.
(a) Its popularity has dwindled sharply over the weeks and months due to three main reasons and the list of discontentment? without any signs of remedy ? are just adding up with each passing day. For instance, (i) galloping prices of essentials for no valid reason, (ii) total failure of the power sector [and its talkative, chatterbox adviser], and (iii) the law and order situation, when daytime murders and kidnappings are still rampant, have all added to the common men's miseries in one way or the other. And, (b) the failure of the Election Commission [EC], in performing its job efficiently and expeditiously by doing something concrete so far, even after six months behind the wheels, has also frustrated the nation, by and large.
As a matter of fact, we are not used to so much of irrelevant talks and TV interviews taking place almost every day of the Lord, especially when it comes to the EC. They certainly know as to what they are supposed to do after so much water has flowed down the Ganges during the last couple of months. With the armed forces solidly behind them and ready to assist them at all levels, the reason for the present dillydallying is not quite clear.
As we all know, there is an existing [2001] voter list which needs to be upgraded by deleting the names of those who have died during all these years and adding the names of the new voters who have attained the age of 18 in the meantime. Besides, the EC will have to delete the fake and non-existent voters also. What else, Sir? Is it such a herculean task that they could not move even an inch after doing some 'show business' in Sreepur area recently? People are having real doubts now about their sincere motives and intentions to complete their sacred task of holding a free and fair election on time. And the total fallout is now falling on the shoulders of the present interim government. Who is to be blamed then?
Conversely, as we speak of goals and destinations, certain important things automatically come to the fore or shall we once again say right in the middle of the road and attracts everyone's attention. The interim government has purposely or may be by default taken upon its own shoulders certain 'extra' responsibilities, which an original caretaker government (CG) would not have taken under any circumstances during its constitutionally-mandated three-month stint. It is like doing something beyond the dotted line. But we know quite well that the exigencies of the situation created by our hyperactive politicians (people like me included!) compelled our patriotic armed forces and other patriots to come forward and take over the reign of governance from a person who was already in deep soup.
The journey then started on a firm footing but gradually the euphoria and the steam started evaporating. Why did that happen and why so soon is the common query. The sincerity of Dr. Fakhruddin and some of his colleagues are beyond question. However, there are exceptions also and a few of them have done so little work so far that they had to say all irrelevant things to the media to cover up their shortcomings, evidently by their excessive exposure on the TV, thus causing waves of irritation amongst the public. The common man on the streets, I must say, is also fed up to the extreme.
Obviously, it is high time for the administration to wake up and set certain things right, by putting them on the track and on a priority basis. Those include the power sector, Biman, the jute sector, the fate of the choking rivers and canals, the railways, and the high-handedness of the old syndicates which still control the market all over. In addition to the above, our borders should be totally sealed by the BDR-if required by the armed forces-immediately. The case of Hilsa fish export to our neighbouring West Bengal is a point for serious consideration. While the government decision to ban the export was quite judicious and timely, the smugglers or the 'informal business couriers' showed a big thumb to everyone who matters while carrying on with their nefarious activities that kept the price of Hilsa fish at its pre-ban level. In fact, it has even increased in some cases, rather than decreasing. What an irony, indeed!
Similarly, the power and energy sector needs a competent person who can boldly defy the so-called major donors, refrain from acting as their stooge, and keep the prices of electricity, gas, and petroleum products at a fair level, with severe public reaction and high inflation in mind. How can anyone control inflation by increasing the price of energy products every three months or so? If Mr. Tapan Choudhury's prescription (the original one sent in by the IMF and its cohorts) is accepted by the council of advisers, then we had it. The inflation index shall then shoot up to 20 if not more. And I lay a bet on that. One should closely look at what the CPD has said in this regard. It would be suicidal!
Some people in the administration, with directives from God knows where, want to shut down all the jute mills. They say that jute is a losing sector and hence its burden should no longer be borne by the government. In fact, the core story here is quite different and almost the opposite, to say the least. The jute sector is not at fault, it is the dishonest people who run the show who are at fault. How can you expect to earn profit when power is constantly disrupted for hours at a stretch, holding on the production line several times in a day? But, in any case, the mill authorities have to pay full wages to each of its worker on the roll for even sitting idle without any work.
How can you talk of profit and loss then? Moreover, the banks and financial institutions never release the sanctioned funds on time. If funds are needed in June to buy raw jute, the helpless jute traders and businessmen get it in October or November at the earliest, i.e., by the time the season is over! Is it fair then to blame the jute industry by any means? And of course, the corruption syndrome has always been there, ever since the inception of the industry in the early 1950s. We should therefore address the right causes of loss rather than passing the buck to somewhere else.
Similarly, railways need immediate attention. No amount of tall talk on the TV screen would suffice. And if the government wants that during its incumbency the situation reaches a point of no return then we have nothing to say. All the previous governments and their communication bosses, with the exception of Janab Matiur Rahman, who held the office for only a few months during General Ershad's time, totally ruined the railway sector from top to bottom. And the funeral services of the railways were carried out by the immediate past BNP-led 4-party government. It was a plunder by the siblings, of the siblings and for the siblings! Dr. Salehuddin and his team at the Bangladesh Bank would never be able to locate and recover the siphoned money, simply because of its enormous size. And if they can do that, it would be another wonder of the world no doubt. It is therefore advisable for the present interim government to religiously stick to the important assignments and finish their job on time and hand over power to where it should belong. Thereafter the 'goodbye' will be meaningful and momentous.
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Reformists in advantage
after Hasina's arrest
Sadeq Khan
Gossip columnists in the vernacular media these days have no dearth of subjects on which they may let their imagination fly. Readers hungry for news, views, scandals, and lampoons also have the privilege these days of shuffling through hundreds of mini-magazines and impromptu broadsheets, some of which do not even care to have a printer's line.
I was quite surprised and amused to see in one such publication a wild accusation backed by a cartoon suggesting that Indian Foreign Secretary Shiv Shankar Menon was responsible for the arrest of Shiekh Hasina. The writer was quite emotionally charged in his accusation. His presumption was that the insistence of the Indian foreign secretary during his recent Dhaka visit to have an unscheduled programme ostensibly to make courtesy calls on the immediate-past prime minister and the leader of the opposition indeed sent wrong signals to both Sheikh Hasina and to the caretaker government. His courtesy calls in presence of a Foreign Office escort in both cases, according to the write-up, lasted no more than five minutes. But in Sheikh Hasina's case, he played a trick of turning back from the exit to have a few words with Hasina without the presence of the Foreign Office escort. Sheikh Hasina, according to the write-up, got the false message that the Government of India was "all-out" behind her in her incremental bids to challenge the authority of the caretaker government and that India would do all that was necessary to protect her. The caretaker government took the Indian foreign secretary's unusual conduct as a message of alert that Sheikh Hasina was cooking something unfriendly for the caretaker government with Indian blessing. In the event, the caretaker government went out of its way to isolate Sheikh Hasina and taker her into custody, albeit under the law of the land, but by invoking emergency powers to conduct speedy trial and deny bail. The express reaction of the Indian Foreign Office that India was watchful of developments as a close neighbour and would demand adherence to letters of the law and high standard of adjudication was found puerile by the writer. Indeed the write-up went so far as to accuse the government of India of double-dealing and suggested that probably India had put more eggs in the basket of the Awami League reformists. The reformist leaders of the Awami League are old guards who also have access to top Indian political leaders and bureaucrats. Have Sheikh Hasina been made a sacrificial goat of Indian duplicity for some possible immediate deals with the caretaker government, the writer darkly questioned.
Some real sense that one may make out of that wildly speculative exercise is that the reformist bloc in Awami League indeed is in the upper hand right now. Hasina loyalist Matia Chowdhury sought to sell the idea to newsmen that Sheikh Hasina was arrested to make room for the reformists to take over the party, elbowing out Sheikh Hasina. Before being taken into custody, Sheikh Hasina had appointed Zillur Rahman acting president of the party. Zillur Rahman also expressed his apprehension that the government probably was bent upon "unethical" execution of the so-called minus-two formula, i.e., to remove both Sheikh Hasina and Begum Zia from political leadership for a more pliable "joint leadership" of reformists in their respective parties. Begum Zia, incidentally, has come out with a statement urging the release of Sheikh Hasina on bail and consideration of alternative means of prosecution for the alleged offences without the advance punishment of detention until proven guilty. Sheikh Hasina loyalists appear to have responded to that gesture as more of a political play than a real offer of support.
The reformists in Awami League meanwhile publicly made mild protests against the divisive and prejudicial comments of Matia Chowdhury. All of them, except Matia, shunned a meeting of the presidium members called by Zillur Rahman, reportedly insisting that Matia must stay out. Later, Razzaq and Tofail met Zillur Rahman to patch up differences, and discussed lawful means of getting the party chief Sheikh Hasina out of custody by united party petitions and court battles. Tofail made it clear in comments to the BBC that it is the position of the reformists not to play an opposition role to the caretaker government, since it is not a political government. He said Sheikh Hasina had also agreed with that position and has been engaging only in constructive criticism, indeed largely supportive of the caretaker government. But she changed when she went to the United States (presumably under the influence of expatriates and thus) actions and reactions led to the chain of events that followed. But the reforms programme has certainly no link with Sheikh Hasina's arrest.
It is interesting to note that Awami League General Secretary Abdul Jalil, ailing and hospitalised under detention, has spoken out in favour of party political reforms and expressed his desire to participate in the reforms programme if he was freed. On the opposite pole of the reforms drive in the rival camp is the secretary general of BNP, Abdul Mannan Bhuiyan. Jalil and Bhuiyan were chosen by the rival camps during the last leg of the political crisis prior to the transfer of power to the caretaker regime to conduct a dialogue to work out common consensus on electoral reforms and a commonly acceptable composition of caretaker government. The dialogue failed. But now both Jalil and Bhuiyan are talking on the same wavelength for democratic reforms of both the camps.
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Khaleda protests Hasina's arrest
Foes turn friends in distress
Special Correspondent
Awami League President Sheikh Hasina was arrested on Monday in an extortion case. Speculation is rife about the arrest of BNP Chairperson Khaleda Zia, whose son Tarique Rahman is already in jail custody on corruption charges. The two ladies ruled the country alternatively for one and a half decades but had never been even on speaking terms. It is no wonder that the adverse situation has brought the two archrivals closer. Khaleda has been critical of the way Hasina was arrested and demanded her immediate release.
More interesting is that JCD, the student wing of BNP, meeting on the Dhaka University campus on Wednesday decided to extend total support-moral and material-to its archrival BCL. Messages have been sent to Awami League and BNP activists who fled across the border in the wake of the crackdown on corruption and terrorism to sink their differences and get united and ready for action call.
Hardcore criminals, political touts, and Jubo Dal and Jubo League members numbering three to four thousand have gone into hiding across the border. If they become united and receive material support from external quarters inimical to the present administration, they may sneak into the country through the porous border and create a lot of disturbances.
The arrest of Hasina has sparked protests and sporadic group processions were brought out in some parts of the country violating the prohibition under the current state of emergency. Law enforcers swung into action and the processions soon melted away. The half-day hartal called by Jubo League and BCL in Rangpur for Thursday drew little response. The BCL call for strike in educational institutions on July 16 also went unheeded. Three crackers were burst on the Dhaka University campus on the day, but all classes and examinations were held. Awami League Acting President Zillur Rahman convened an informal meeting of the party presidium on July 18. Only Begum Matia Chowdhury went to his residence for the meeting. None of the reformists was present.
The way Sheikh Hasina was picked up from her residence early in the morning and transported to the court and sub-jail on the Sangsad Bhaban premises has evoked a lot of criticisms. Many viewed that due legal process was not followed. But Dr. M. Zaheer, a legal expert, told a TV talk show that there was nothing illegal. The administration however could deal with Hasina, a former prime minister and head of a leading political party, in a better way. AL Acting President Zillur was probably right in saying that the court could summon her to appear in the case. She should have been released on bail until the judgment in the case. Hasina had literally been confined to her house, anyway.
Reports say that two more cases are being filed and nine old pending cases including those regarding the frigate and MIG-29 scams against Hasina will soon come up for trial. Khaleda is likely to be taken into custody in at least two cases of corruption being filed soon.
This will certainly bring their supporters closer. How things develop when the political activities are resumed is a matter of guess. Success of reformists in both Awami League and BNP will be one of the determining factors. People in general wholly support the government drive against the endemic corruption and even-handed treatment of the corrupt politicians. But the greater test of popularity of the present administration lies in keeping the masses content by checking the price spiral effectively and creating job opportunities.
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Jute coming back into vogue
Shamsuddin Ahmed
Jute is regaining its lost glory. Production of more than 60 lakh bales of jute is projected this year. Farmers are getting incentive price. Although the state-owned mills are faltering, most of the private jute mills are operating well. Entrepreneurs have set up around 10 small factories in northern districts providing job opportunities to monga-prone peasants. Scores of truckloads of jute and jute goods are exported across the border every day.
According to the agriculture office, jute has been cultivated on 12 lakh hectares of land this year. The harvest of early crop in the low-lying areas has already started. The total production is estimated at 60 lakh bales, about 4.75 bales per hectare. Unlike paddy and other crops, jute cultivation requires neither irrigation nor much fertiliser. A high degree of humidity and adequate rains are good enough for a healthy growth of jute. The expected harvest this year indicates a tremendous improvement as jute production in the country in the recent years declined to less than 40 lakh bales.
The best quality jute is grown in Faridpur, Tangail, and a part of Mymensingh district. According to the information received on Tuesday from Satore, the biggest jute-trading centre in Faridpur, the newly-harvested jute is selling at Tk 700-800 a maund and the Tossa variety of last year's crop at Tk 1,200. The growers are by and large happy with the price.
Industry sources say about 50 trucks laden with jute, 30 with hessian, and 20 with twine and other jute products pass through the Benapole Land Port every day.
The Bangladesh Jute Mills Association (BJMA) said 35 mills were denationalised in 1983 in a dilapidated condition and with huge liabilities. Three more were denationalised later. Their new owners found it difficult to get rid of the heavy bank loan burden accumulated under the state's ownership. The lion's share of government support including a sizeable World Bank assistance in the early 1990s went to the state-owned mills, depriving the private ones. Still, the privatised mills survived.
"We have not been given the money we earned from export. Banks used to deduct instalments of loans taken during state ownership. These posed a serious problem for the private mills," said a BJMA official. The situation has forced some owners to lease out and run the mills in the name of lease-holders. The arrangement still continues at about 15 mills to evade banks taking away a big chunk of their earnings.
On the closer of Admajee Jute Mills, 75 per cent of its machinery was retained by the Bangladesh Jute Mills Corporation (BJMC), which husbands the state-owned mills. The rest of the machinery was sold to some entrepreneurs. With these machines, they had set up small jute factories in the monga-prone northern districts. The BJMA feels the government should give all Adamjee machinery to private entrepreneurs and help them set up more factories in the northern districts, including the greater Rangpur, where farmers are growing adequate quantity of quality jute. This will serve two purposes-factories will use jute grown in their adjacent areas free of transport cost which will keep down their production cost and they will generate employment opportunities that are much needed in the poverty-stricken region.
Some 22 mills still under the BJMC have been sustaining loss every year. Highhandedness of labour (CBA) leaders and managers, excess manpower, a high salary structure, widespread corruption, and utter mismanagement have been the endemic problems since the nationalisation of the entire jute industry after the independence of Bangladesh. Considering the renewed prospects for the jute industry, the government has recently attached much importance to its jute mills. It is now planning to provide the BJMC with about Tk 800 crore loan to make its mills viable.
Officials say the objective is unlikely to be achieved without making the manager of each mill accountable and holding him responsible for any loss. No one can make the mills viable with their current excess manpower and by paying almost double in wages and salaries than actually needed, buying jute at inflated price, and allowing CBA leaders to act at will and put their oars in every deal in connivance with officials. The private jute mills are functioning well and becoming profitable because the managers are accountable to the owners.
The Britons and Marwaris during the British Raj and later the Pakistanis prospered well with jute, the golden fibre of Bangladesh, because there was accountability then. But the curse of nationalisation coupled with inroad of cheap synthetic fibre later crippled the sector. A strong realisation across the world of environment pollution and health hazards posed by synthetic fibres has provided jute with an opportunity to restore its lost glory. The situation demands prudent government policies to promote jute cultivation and expand the jute industry.
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AL chief in lonely confinement
Mohammed Ali Sattar
"...(T)his is not a good thing you are doing. I will soon come out free...and then none will be spared...not even you..." (The Daily Star of July 17, 2007). These were possibly the last words of Sheikh Hasina before she was taken away by the security forces from her Sudha Sadan residence on July 16 last.
She uttered these words over her cell phone while speaking to Barrister Mainul Hossein, the law and information adviser. She also said that in the past he had visited her for help, and he would do so in the future as well.
She was angry and in shock. She kept it no secret that when she is back, she would avenge this act of the present government. Therefore the members of the present government ought to watch out!
The post-Mujib and Zia period was dominated by two ladies -- Khaleda Zia and Sheikh Hasina. After having gone through all sorts of trials and tribulations these two daughters of the soil took up the mantle of two major parties of the country, and been the guiding force of the two parties ever since. The last 26 years of political history is actually the history of BNP and AL, Jaitya Party playing the second fiddle.
These two ladies (whatever their qualities and failures as administrators) have managed to keep their respective followings intact.
The imposition of emergency rule on 11 January was caused by both the leaders and their close lackeys (many of whom have now turned reformists!).
The oneeleven brought about a massive change in the politics of Bangladesh. Never before have we witnessed or experienced a situation like this. Hitherto the politicians talked and ruled. They were the leaders and did not care about the followers. They were the deciders and never heard opinions for whom they took decisions. They made rules to be followed by others. The constitution was a scrap book and the parliament a 'hang out'. They used the utilities and conveniently kept the bills pending for years amounting to staggering figures. No remorse have we seen, no regrets have we heard.
The present government made its intention very clear: it would go after the corrupt. A massive national cleansing programme was undertaken and it goes on till today. The corrupt souls are all running helter-skelter and tales of mind-boggling corruption and crime committed by these people are being revealed every other day.
Prior to her departure for US earlier this year Hasina went on to declare that if her party was elected to form government it would 'endorse' all the steps taken by the present government. Later she changed her mind abruptly and launched a virulent antigovernment campaign in US and UK.
AL general secretary Abdul Jalil, however, turned out to be a disgrace for the country's politicians. He is a defeatist and doesn't deserve to be mentioned anywhere in national history.
With Sheikh Salim, Obaidul Quader, Zafrullah, Mohiduddin Khan Alamgir and finally Abdul Jalil gone, Sheikh Hasina must have found herself lonely and abandoned. She nevertheless went on with her characteristic blasting anyone who she thought was not for her.
She came up with yet another salvo only the other day when she went to visit the ailing Sabina Yasmin at a local hospital in the city. She appeared angry and frustrated and claimed that she herself had instructed her party leaders to divulge anything they like to the 'interrogators' to save their lives. She wouldn't mind even if they spoke against her. Sceptics, however, appear unconvinced, saying that it was never known when she had given such instructions to her party leaders.
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Martyr Sector Commander Nazmul
not yet recognised
Holiday Desk
Ishrat Jahan (Shuravi) and Naoreen Sabah (Shiuli), daughters of Shaheed Major Najmul Haque, Sector 7 Commander in the Liberation War, in a wtitten statement appealed to the Caretaker Government for due rcognition and honour of their martyred father.
The late Major Haque was the Commander of Sector 7 till his death on 26th September 1971. As the Wing Commander of the then EPR, Naogaon, he joined and organised the liberation forces in the area after 25th March crackdown.
The people, particularly of Naogaon and Chapai Nababganj area, still remember his heroic role in the war. He is now lying in his eternal rest beside his second-in-command Shaheed Capt. Mohiuddin Jahangir's grave at Sona Mosque compound in Chapai Nababganj.
After liberation, the daughters returned home as infant orphans aged one and two years respectively. They survived and grew up in the absence of any material assistance from the then Government. They were never given any kind of material benefit from any Government source. The daughters thought that as their father fought for a noble cause of the nation so they did not ask for any material benefit. In 2005 the appropriate authority recommended his case to confer upon him posthumous Independence Day Award for his contribution to the liberation war.
However, as recently a few streets of Dhaka city have been named after the Sector Commanders by the Dhaka City Corporation so martyr Major Najmul Haque's daughters -- Shuravi and Shiuli -- appreciated the endeavour of recognising the illustrious sons of the soil by the grateful nation.
But now they feel utter disappointment and dismay to observe that the name of their father, Shaheed Major Najmul Haque, the first Commander of Sector 7, has been omitted from the list for unknown reason. They are upset to see the "deliberate irregularities on the whole selection process" and "decided to stay away from the controversy at that time with the hope that the truth shall prevail one day" when "their father will be given due recognition by the authorities."
However, under the present changed circumstances they have decided to raise the issue and appealed to the Caretaker Government, the C-in-C and the Mayor of DCC again and requested them to review the matter and name one of the streets of Dhaka City after the martyr freedom fighter's name in recognition of his noble service in the liberation war like other sector commanders.
The signatories say that this will be a great consolation for them. He rose to the occasion at the call of duty to serve the motherland setting aside the family affection and sacrificed his life for the country. "We never tasted fatherly affection, so any state recognition would mitigate our deprivation in this respect to a great extent", the statement concluded.
Their address is Apptt.No.B/5, Oriental Orchard, House No.21, Road No.126, Gulshan-1.
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Glimpses of the Great
Zulfikar Ali Bhutto
K Z Islam
When Stanley Wolpert came to Dhaka sometime in 1997 to be commissioned to write Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's biography he addressed a seminar where he stated that during the first Prime Ministership of Benazir Bhutto, Wolpert was commissioned to write Zulfi Bhutto's biography. Halfway through the biography Benazir had lost her job. So Wolpert instead of writing a hagiography decided to write a candid life story of Zulfi. Since I saw Omar Qureshi's name mentioned as Zulfi's roommate in UCLA Berkeley I asked Omar about all the womanizing mentioned about Zulfi. Omar confessed that he had given Stanley all the information for which he got into serious trouble when Benazir came back for her second term.
Tikka Khan's tenure as chief of army staff ended in February 1976 and Bhutto had asked his senior military adviser's opinion as to which of the lieutenant generals might best be suited to succeed him. Tikka recommended Muhammad Akbar Khan, who, much like himself, was a tough, hard-hitting soldier, thoroughly loyal to Bhutto, who took orders without any questions and implemented them with no hesitation or misgivings. Tikka's second choice was his senior most lieutenant general, Mohammad Shariff, much more diplomatic and smoother than Akbar. Zulfi liked Shariff and appointed him to a new job that he created in the vain hope of better managing the army, without whose support he knew he could not remain in power another hour. General Shariff would chair the new Joint Chiefs of Staff Committee. For the top army job he reached past six senior lieutenant generals to pick the junior most officer of that rank: Mohammad Zia ul-Haq, then, and destined to outlive his patron by almost a decade. The "pen picture" of General Zia sent to the prime minister by his private secretary was of "a capable officer who owes a lot to General Gul Hasan...ambitious...quiet and watchful. ...A clever and reasonably good professional. ...Doubtful reliability. Tikka had not even considered mentioning Zia as his possible successor because Zia had only recently been promoted from major to lieutenant general, and Tikka knew that jumping him over his seniors would oblige them all to retire, except for those, like Shariff, lucky enough to be given new jobs that carried promotions.
Zulfi soon appeared much more contemptuous of his choice to replace Tikka Khan. He often made Zia the butt of public ridicule, shouting at him from the head of the dinner table, "Where's my monkey-general? Come over here, Monkey!" He would pretend to pull Zia toward himself on an invisible string and then introduce him to a distinguished foreign guest, quickly dismissing him, even before Zia finished bowing, ever smiling. Sometimes Zulfi "joked" about how "funny" Zia's teeth looked, humiliating the man he had singled out for such high and powerful distinction. Zulfi seemed to like to mortify his "friends" in public at times making fun of the promiscuity of their wives, or mimicking their voices, or commenting on unattractive facial features, or calling attention to some physical deformity. Zia apparently never took umbrage at such "jests," always smiling, bowing, even "thanking" his prime minister for "your such kind attentions, Sir!" Once later in 1976, Gul Hasan, then ambassador to Greece, returned home and went to Bhutto's office to pay a "courtesy call." He found Zia waiting in the anteroom, with many files obviously brought from GHQ to brief Bhutto on some very important army matters. Gul Hasan had nothing special or urgent to say, he recalled. "We were just chatting." Inside with Bhutto, Ambassador Hasan reminded him, "General Zia is outside, Sir." Zulfi replied, "F**k him"
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NEWS NOTES FROM THE US
Fazle Rashid
Bush on the move to repair US image
President Bush is set to repair the badly bruised international image of the United States and that of his own due to his faulty Iraq policy. Bush has promised to use the remaining period of his presidency in promoting peace in the Middle East at the heart of which will be an independent Palestinian state. He has already convened a summit meeting of the major countries involved in the peace process. The summit will be held in the coming fall (September).
Besides, urging his Arab allies to be more open in their ties with Israel, he took a rare jab at Israel asking it to end the 'occupation' of the Arab lands.
Bush is now a 'lame duck' president, as the Americans call the period in which the president does not take any major decision. The planned meeting, the first of its kind in Bush's presidency, signals another pivotal shift for an administration that is desperately seeking some kind of foreign policy success in the volatile Middle East that would draw attention away from Iraq, New York Times in a report said.
Secretary of State Condi Rice and Defence Secretary Robert Gates would travel to the region in the later half of this month. President Bush has finally pressed Israel to dismantle its settlements and sit down at peace talks with Palestine.
Anti-terrorism scheme failed: Bush advisers
The US National Intelligence has come to the firm conclusion that the terrorist organisations have gained significant strength over the past two years and the US is facing threats of terrorist attacks. US's top counterterrorism advisers have conceded that the strategy to counter bin Laden and his militant outfit al-Qaeda has failed despite billions of dollar of tax-payers money being spent on this account.
They have conveniently laid the blame on the door of Pakistan's beleaguered President Musharraf for failing to contain the Talibans and al-Qaeda. Musharraf's strategy has not worked for Pakistan. It has not worked for the US either, the experts said. The counterterrorism advisers have implicitly said that if Musharraf could not handle the problem he should leave it to America.
The report is a rebuke to President Bush's approach to the war on terror. It vindicates those who say that the war in Iraq is a distraction from the real fight against terrorism, a fight that is not going well at all, NYT said in an editorial on Wednesday. A growing number of Republicans have started taking an open stand against Bush's Iraq policy.
Corporate crimes in US
The number of high-profile CEOs convicted of crimes relating to their roles in corporate scandals is rising. The glittering list includes Jeffrey Skilling and the late Kenneth Lay of Enron, John Rigas of Aldelphia Communications Corp, Dennis Kozolowski, CEO of Tyco, Bernard Ebbers of WorldCom, and Joseph Nacchio of Qwest Communications.
They have been joined lately by Conrad Black, a press baron who once owned London's Daily Telegraph and 300 other papers. Black has been convicted on three counts of mail fraud and one count of obstruction of justice. He faces 35 years in jail, $1 million in fine, and forfeiture of assets including a ring worth $2.6 million that Black gave to his wife as gift. Black gave up his Canadian citizenship and became a British citizen. He became a Lord and hobnobbed with Henry Kissinger, Margaret Thatcher, and the Prince of Wales. He split his time between London, New York, Florida, and Toronto and married a journalist, Barbara Amiel. Black wrote biographies of Roosevelt and Nixon.
The prosecutors accused Black of swindling the shareholders to the tune of $84 million. He was finally convicted of stealing $2.9 million clergymen's pay and a record $660 million to settle sex abuse charges. The clergymen at a Los Angeles church agreed to pay $660 million to 508 victims whom they sexually abused. The head of the church apologised to the victims 'for this terrible sin and crime'. In addition to $660 million, the church had earlier pledged to pay $114 million. The victims said they were raped, molested, and shown pornography by the clerics.
Freelance Diplomacy
The legendary South African leader Nelson Mandela is planning to put together prominent world leaders in a body to be called Elders to wrangle with the globe's most intractable problems like the Palestine issue and the scourge of malaria, AIDS, and poverty. The alliance was unveiled on Wednesday marking the 89th birthday of Mandela, arguably the most important personage of the post-World War II period. Former US president Jimmy Carter, former UN secretary general Kofi Anan, Desmond Tutu, and Bangladesh's Dr. Mohammad Yunus will join Mandela in his fight to usher in global peace and exterminate dreadful diseases like malaria and AIDS which take millions of lives in Africa and elsewhere in the world.
The incumbent British Prime Minister Gordon Browne and South African President Thabo Mbeki have thrown their weight behind Mandela's noble move. Former US secretary of state Madeleine Albright is supportive of the move.
"We are not out to defend the positions of any institution or government. We are ordinary global citizens who want to help with the problems of the world," NYT quoted Kofi Anan as saying. "The Elders won't get involved in delivering bed nets for malaria prevention," Jimmy Carter said, adding, "the issue is to fill the vacuums, to address major issues that aren't being adequately addressed."
Argentina's finance minister caught in financial scandal
Felisa Miceli, the economic minister of Argentina, has resigned after fire service men in a routine check-up of her office found $60,000 stashed in her bathroom. It has a striking similarity to the police finding crores of taka in the house of a forest department official in Bangladesh. Ms. Miceli denied any wrongdoing. She defended herself saying the money was meant for investment in real estate.
The presidential election is due in Argentina in October. The sitting president will not seek a second term and instead allow his wife to be a candidate in the coming election. Both are being dogged by charges of corruption.
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Inhuman administrative mayhem
Hindutva: Violent Saffronazis'
vile communal agenda
Professor I. K. Shukla
Even in the states where Congress or other political combines rule, the spread of the feral and obscene cult, Hindutva, is becoming a major threat to India's national stability and social peace. Historically, national treason has been the ID, as communal terrorism the signature, of Hindutva. No one without avowing treason as his creed can be a votary of Hindutva. No one without pledging life-long commitment to terrorism can be trusted by the Black Caps as a genuine fascist.
Sworn to secrecy and criminality that the Hndutva cult stands for, it keeps its recruits ever "disciplined", that is, morally decrepit, mentally robotic. Why it creates a soup of acronyms (various organizations), and why it never maintains a register of its membership, are no mysteries, but inextricably tied to its vile agenda.
A Sanskrit scholar in Varanasi, Mrs. Naheed Abdi, failing to get a permanent job in her specialty, is not just a personal tragedy for a Muslim, and a highly educated woman, it is symptomatic of the rot that the Indian democracy signifies. (Milli Gazettee/July 1-15,07, Delhi, p.20). This under Mayawati, the saviour of minorities in U.P., next to Mulayam Singh. She also deprived hundreds of Urdu teachers of employment (as above, p.19) . Great Dalit leader!
Since it remains so tied, it creates an imaginary history of its own - phantasmagoria of wishful invention which omits its lack of patriotism, its innately destructive impulse, and its atavistic strain, but which also conjures up monsters and midgets as its heroes. Beset by a crushingly nagging sense of imbecility it reconciles itself to its innate inferiority not by accomplishment or exertion for excellence, of which it has proved incapable, but by brutal and wanton violence against innocents who in their culture of elegance and achievements seem to remind it of its generic idiocy and deeply ingrained inhumanity.
This would explain why UP, the largest state of India, kept as the most backward in all indices, has had 2000 communal riots since 1947 (Ritambhara and Nana Deshmukh have huge estates there given them for a song by ex-BJP government to run saffronazi outfits: Atal -- Lucknow; Raju Bhaiya - Allahabad; M M Joshi -- Allahabad; Rajnath -- Mirzapur; Katiyar -- Faizabad, belong there).
This would shine light on Modi's Gujarat as the death-dealing laboratory of a cult steeped in barbarism and soaked in blood. Gujarat will become the graveyard of Indian democracy and its secular credentials if Modi is not removed. Pussyfooting in the matter can only exacerbate the intolerable situation. Congress having decided not to save its own MP Jafri in Ahmedabad in 2002 boosted Modi's machine of administrative mayhem and mass murder. Its own MLAs participated in the rape, robbery, and murders of Muslims that Modi had instigated and inspired.
Not to arrest Hindutva ogres --Thackeray, Togadia, Modi, Katiyar, and their ilk -- implies tacit consent to and state encouragement of the saffrofascists. How else to understand the apathy vis-ŕ-vis continual and horrendous atrocities against minorities be they Muslim, Christian, tribal, Dalit? The police has the gall to refuse to register the FIR if the criminals are Hindu. It is happening all over India unremittingly and unchecked.
This is the hallmark of a failed state. Why are criminals of Maharashtra and Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh getting away scot-free as a rule? If they go unpunished the state will remain impaired and its viability untenable. For a V. Shekhar, the commander of a criminal outfit of Hyderabad, to threaten bomb blasts against minorities seeking reservation, not to be slammed behind bars indefinitely, highlights the conspiracy of the state against Muslims. (Milli Gazettee as above, p.1).
For the Indian state tacitly to join the fascistic saffronazis as collaborators is not just a roaring scandal and a blazing shame, but also its repudiation of India as a nation state, its Constitution, its founding fathers, its heritage, and as a civilisational idea, uniquely all-embracing, and gloriously proud of its plenitude of diversity. It is to all this that the crooks -- the ruling class of India -- has bidden adieu.
- SAN-Feature Service
The writer is a cultural connoisseur, renowned poet and author of "Hindutva: Treason and Terrorism"; "Hindutva: An Autopsy of Fascism as a Theoterrorist Cult and Other Essays" etc.
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