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Politico-administrative renewal: Key to disaster and development management
Dr. Mizanur Rahman Shelley
Hurricane 'SIDR' lashed southern Bangladesh in full furry on the night of 15th November, took a heavy toll in life and property and reminded a shocked nation of the lessons learned and forgotten. By official count more than 3000 lives have been lost in the cyclonic storm and accompanying tidal surge. Hundreds of thousands homes have been destroyed. Millions have been made helpless. Profound grief for the near and dear ones lost mingle in heart-rending cry for safe water, food, medical help, shelter and livelihood support.
A sympathetic nation and international community are responding positively to the needs and requirements of the hapless people devastated by the storm. The response is growing and expanding despite the initial inadequacies in reaching much needed relief to the affected people. The challenges are formidable as the mid-term and long term needs will require quick and careful assessment of the physical, economic and social losses. It will also be necessary to take well planned and systematic measures to rebuild life in its totality in the devastated regions. If there is laps in this all-important task, the coming winter may indeed, turn into a 'winter of our discontent'. Like in times of similar disaster the nation may well perceive this as 'the worst of times'.
Experience of the past has shown that the people of Bangladesh are capable of making the transition from "the winter of our discontent" to "the spring of our hope", from "the worst of times" to "the best of times".
The nation has braved titanic disasters such as the cyclone and tidal bore of 1970 and 1991 and ravaging floods of 1988, 1998 and those that followed during the present century. The government, the NGOs and international community worked with the people not only to reach immediate relief to the affected public but also to rehabilitate them and build a developing future. The experience was not an easy one. Nevertheless, it resulted in cumulative acquisition of knowledge and skill for coping disaster management. Experts agree that despite inadequacy of resources Bangladesh has an impressive track record of mitigating the effects of natural disasters and resiliently rebuilding economic and social life. Western observers have rightly appreciated the competence of the disaster management machinery in Bangladesh. They have pointed out that Bangladesh was more successful in tackling the immediate post-disaster problems than, for example, the USA, when its southern coast, especially the city of New Orleans was hit by cyclone 'Catrina' in 2005. The important thing is to keep the institutional memory alive. The lessons learned in disaster management from the 1970s tell us to remain prepared for calamities that may hit the country with increasing furry and greater frequency in these days of global warming and climate change.
Bangladesh is not only a front line state in humankind's war against its ancient enemies: poverty, malnourishment, ignorance, illiteracy and superstition, it is also a front-liner in the awesome task of facing natural disasters. In these wars Bangladesh can not and does not have to fend all by itself because in fighting these enemies the nation also fights for all humanity. If the frontiers can be securely defended here where it is most vulnerable, humanity world-wide will be safer and more secure. It is not that the world does not realise this truth. It does but only in a general way. The international community, especially its richer and developed members do come to the help of Bangladesh in times of calamities, both natural and manmade. What is needed is a sustained and long term effort to enable this land with many problems but greater promise to tackle all kinds of disasters.
To ensure such continued help and cooperation on a sustainable bases Bangladesh needs to put its own house in order first. Meeting the titanic challenges of poverty alleviation, meaningful human resources development, disaster preparedness and management through competent governance require re-building the politico-administrative system. This does not mean that the nation has to start from scratch. Bangladesh inherited a fairly capable political and administrative set up. The constitution of 1972 prescribed a democratic polity committed to achieve people's welfare irrespective of cast, creed and class. The structure of a parliamentary-cabinet type of democracy as provided in that constitution reiterated loyalty to a centuries-old heritage.
Similarly, the administrative system represented a continuity of structures and practices dating back to the ancient, medieval and modern periods of the sub-continent's history. Fair recruitment of qualified and competent civil servants and administrators through rigorous competitive examinations, long, exacting and continuous training of those recruited and a tradition of neutrality and fair play supplied the essential strength of the system.
Unfortunately on both political and administrative planes, amateurish experiments by leaders at the political level caused the set up to fall into disarray. Consequently the structure weakened and decayed. This was true in the cases of both post colonial states of Pakistan and Bangladesh. Neighbouring India, by contrast, did not even tinker with either the political or the administrative structures and systems inherited from the past. In both Pakistan and Bangladesh democratic politics lost its essence and momentum. Dictatorial interventions under both military and ostensibly democratic civilian rule robbed politics of its people's welfare orientation. Coteries often formed around the families of personalised rulers successfully indulged in state-capture. The direct intrusion of business in politics distorted the system. Politics was commercialised and business politicised. Welfare and meaningful development of people suffered as kleptocracy rode roughshod over a helpless nation wedded to a system that was democratic only in name.
The administrative system fell prey to the misdeeds of the plunderers posing as politicians. The civil and administrative services were politicised causing these to further weaken and decay.
In Bangladesh the developments of the 11th January 2007 were the results of these intolerable distortion and decadents of the political and administrative systems. The promulgation of Emergency and the reconstitution of the Caretaker government have put the country in a process of great transition. The present Caretaker government assisted by the armed forces has done a lot to set the systems on an even keel. Partisan elements have given way to neutral and capable leadership in various important constitutional bodies. The administration has also been cleansed to the extent possible within a period of few months. Regulatory and local government reforms are being formulated and finalised. Political reforms, including those aimed at democratising party leadership, are being discussed and debated.
The problem facing the present government is inherent in its very origin and nature. It was brought into existence as a Caretaker government to meet extra-ordinary needs of politics and administration. Yet by definition and constitutional provision it is a transitional entity whose main task is to hold national elections which could not be held as scheduled on 22nd January 2007. Despite the historic demands it is expected to meet, it is no more than an interim government. The much needed political and administrative reforms and the massive anti-corruption drive to root out titanic and widespread corruption have been initiated. However, in order to secure their enduring continuity support of all concerned would be necessary. Politicians, public sector administrators, civil society and business leaders - all have to be involved in the process. Their participation and ownership of the much needed reform measures is of key importance to the process of ensuring their ratification by the future parliament.
The challenge is formidable. The task, however, may not be all that difficult. As with disaster management, so also with politics and administration in Bangladesh, one does not need to re-invent the wheel. We have considerable resources dating from our past to help us in the task. For a start one can go back to the past to march steadily towards the future.
On the political level, the system needs to be restored in its constitutionally prescribed essence. Measures, both legal and systemic, can be taken to ensure that democracy works without the vitiating domination of unbridled personal and family rule and greed of plunderers posing as politicians and business leaders.
On the administrative level, the task becomes easier once politics is in the process of cleansing. Elitism of merit, intellect, and competence need to be revived. Partisan politics must be banished from the sphere of public administration as it was in the not-too-distant past. The public administration system, as it worked with neutrality and capability in the past, should be vigorously renewed. For instance, the office of the Deputy Commissioner, the kingpin of field administration since the British colonial period, needs to be rebuilt with necessary adjustments. This would ensure that coordination is not thrown overboard before, during and after disasters. It would also secure the ramparts of economic development in the country.
Thus, if the wheel that exists in our politics and administration is made operational again, there would be no need for it to be re-invented. With a renewal of sound and effective politico-administrative system Bangladesh can competently plan and build its future with or without disasters. Once sustained strength is thus generated within the nation, international help and cooperation will be able to meaningfully fill up the gap in material and technical resources required not only to manage disasters but also ensure well-managed, equitable and sustainable development.
The author, a noted thinker and social scientist, is the founder Chairman, Centre for Development Research, Bangladesh (CDRB), Editor, quarterly "ASIAN AFFAIRS".
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