TRUTH COMMISSION FOR BUSINESSMEN

A differentiation in law, not discrimination

Sadeq Khan

In a nationally circulated daily on October 5, a diplomatic report had two-column bold headline. The headline read, there cannot be two different laws for politicians and for businessmen, British official remarked. Indeed in the text of the story as published by the same newspaper, no such remark could be found. In other words, the copy editor or the news editor decided to insert a spin, twisting the diplomatically coined exact remarks of the visiting British foreign and common wealth office director for Asia, John Denis. His exact words were as follows: "whether the truth commission or reconciliation commission may be effective in the current context is for the Bangladesh people to decide.
   'We will continue to urge the government, army and law enforcement agencies to act impartially, with respect for public safety, human rights, media freedoms, due process and the rule of law, in line with Bangladesh's international human rights obligations. "I have got a clear impression that the army is working all out to help the caretaker government in delivering on its plans."
   He further said, UK welcomed the CEC's statement that if the voters' roll and electoral reforms were completed earlier, the elections could be held ahead of December 2008 schedule. When his opinion was sought on the demand for lifting of the state of emergency, Dennis said: "It is up to the government of Bangladesh to decide how the state of emergency can be lifted." For holding a successful election, the situation has to be the most congenial because democracy requires political debate. "Sustaining democracy in the longer term is essential to Bangladesh's future development and prosperity."
   Responding to a query whether the British government was concerned about the plight of the two ladies who led the two major parties, British high commissioner Anwar Choudhury said, 'we are following the events and monitoring them closely.'
   But he would not comment on the cases against the two detained former prime ministers - Sheikh Hasina and Khaleda Zia - on the ground that the matter was sub-judice.
   Spins and loaded information had become part of our politico-journalistic culture for cheap propaganda gains. What surprised one more is the two learned members of the Bar, Advocate Abdul Hamid of the Awami Leage, and Barrister Anisul Islam Mahmud of Jatiyo Party appeared to take the view in BBC world service dialogue on Bangladesh that formation of the Truth Commission would amount to an act of discrimination. Advocate Abdul Hamid said, "The Truth Commission should not be formed for special quarters under any circumstances. It will never be logical. Laws could never be formulated for special quarters." He, however, observed that such commission should not be formed for all.
   Barrister Anisul Islam Mahmud took a purist attitude, and said: "The economy of the country can not be kept vibrant by giving shelter to the corrupt businessmen through setting up Truth Commission. Formation of Truth Commission for special quarters will never be good for the future of the country,"
   Mahmud observed that the arrest of the corrupt businessmen did not make any impact on the soaring prices of essentials, as there is no involvement of those businessmen as well as the ones included in the ACC's fresh corrupt suspect list with the commodity trade.
   And although the FBCCI hailed the move as realistic, which may go a long way to allay fears and boost economic activity, three political economists of the country, Dr. Quazi Khaliquzzaman, Dr. Atiur Rahman and Professor Anu Mohammad dismissed the idea as compromising of high principles without possibly any practical benefit for economic growth. They said the national economy had become gravely complicated, and benevolent accommodation of erring businessmen on pain of monetary penalties would hardly inspire a high spate of business activity. Essentially, however, their arguments boiled down to a wishful question: Why discriminate between the errant businessman and the errant politician?
   There is a simple reply to that question. Truth Commission for businessmen is not discrimination but differentiation, and differentiation is the essence of civilisation. A businessman is bound by corporate ethics and his declared pursuit is to make money. A politician on the other hand is bound by social morality and the burden of the high office. Just as the court differentiate between a first offender and a habitual offender the Truth commission can accept plea bargains of a bad businessman, if however he has not been involved in abuse of power. Abuse of power is an offence which may under certain circumstances amount to treason, shattering the very foundations of the nation-state. The question of equating such offenders with the money spinning businessmen who may have been kowtowing to public office holders or public servants who hold the reins of power does not arise.

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Critics find double standards in dealing with local, foreign firms

Faruque Ahmed

A new debate is attracting increasing public attention over whether the government is applying double standards in dealing with local businesses and expatriate firms facing similar charges of irregularities and corruption. There is also a section of people who wonders whether the present reformist caretaker government will take any move to establish greater control on trade and economic issues, breaking the existing external domination which is now outmanoeuvring local stakeholders in various ways.
   Even Finance Adviser Dr A. B. Mirza Azizul Islam last month touched on this sensitive issue at a seminar, saying countries like Bangladesh was increasingly facing limit in sovereign decision-making on economic issues. In this era of trade-related globalisation, such constricting of freedom is only undermining vital trade and development interests of the poorer nations, he added.
   These are known realities. But the issue is coming to the fore at this time when the government has declared a crusade to eliminate corruption from business and politics, besides routing family based political culture. The authorities have meanwhile remanded in custody the two iron ladies who head the country's two major political parties and were also the country's prime ministers in the past. Scores of former ministers and lawmakers, politicians and businessmen have also been put behind bars as a part of the process to cleanse the nation's socio-political fabric.
   But, many people wonder why in this situation the government is not taking similar bold, sanctifying steps to scrutinise many questionable business deals and contracts with foreign firms. When locals are being punished, why are the expatriates remaining out of the probe. They say it would more justified if while using some of the deals as evidence of corruption by the two ladies, particularly Khaleda Zia, the authorities would also bring the beneficiaries of such deals to the book.
   But, the government appears to be rather soft on them, although it is mentioning such deals in corruption charges against Khaleda. Critics term the recent steps of the caretaker government apparently aimed at handing over the Fulbari coal mines to Asia Energy self contradictory when it is going to try Khaleda for signing the deal with the firm.
   Similarly, it is being questioned that when anti-graft officials are investigating the involvement of the BNP chairperson in awarding the contract to the Canadian gas exploration firm Niko, how they can avoid probing its activities to identify the circumstances of the deal-making. If Khaleda participated in any wrongdoing, the firm should be held equally responsible as a party to it. Critics say in the forthcoming weeks they will like to see it happening along with the investigations into Khaleda's involvement in the case. It involves the question of equitable justice, no matter who come from where.
   In a similar case, the government recently not only taken in custody Khaleda and her younger son but also two directors of the GATCO, a firm which was allegedly awarded in an irregular way a container handling contract at Chittagong port and Kamlapur inland container depot in the capital. Scores of other officials have also been arrested and quizzed for their alleged complicity in the case.
   The Anti-Corruption Commission recently even called in seven powerful ministers of Khaleda Zia's cabinet, besides several serving and former secretaries and high government officials, to testify before it on the roles of the former prime minister and their own and to explain the circumstances that led to signing of the contract with GATCO.
   People do not understand when the government can arrest even former prime ministers for their alleged involvement in grafts, what hinders it from summoning and interrogating the expatriate firms that benefited from the deals. They have the right to clear themselves of allegations and remove their names from the list of corruption suspect or they should equally stand guilty.
   And why only Asia Energy or Niko; there are many more foreign firms, who struck deals such as on leasing of gas blocks with the past governments, on the list of corruption suspects. The policy of fair play demands thorough probes to clear them from any blames.
   Critics also say the interim government used scapegoats and their confessional statements to implicate Sheikh Hasina in scandalous bribe cases. Similar confessional statements have also been exploited to nab a number of other political leaders and businessmen. They say the government should also obtain similar statements from the expatriate firms that may further help the probes and identify fresh crimes. They say people in general believe such attempts may help restore the previous healthy growth of the private sector, with credible expatriate companies taking an active part in it. People will then accept them and respect their presence.
   Referring to the current anti-corruption drive, the critics say the government is now implementing a move to throw the chiefs of the country's two biggest parties out of politics. In doing so, it is out to execute plans that may destroy or severely damage both the parties. They say as many businessmen are finding them now in detention and facing prosecution, including in cases against Hasina for receiving bribes and favours from parties including expatriates, the investigation should extend the cover all of them. Any prosecution will remain vulnerable to questions without probing all the parties concerned, they maintain, adding that such things would not have taken place in the UK or the USA if names of the parties flashed out on the list of graft suspects.
   People also wonder why the government is avoiding investigating some of the so-called reformists having reported involvement in embezzlement of public funds and other wrongdoings. While it is trying a section of people on most insignificant evidence of crime, it is puzzling why the government is allowing immunity to some big fishes having proven involvement in the wrongdoings.
   Notwithstanding the present anti-corruption drive of the caretaker government, external forces are rather on an offensive again to take more undue benefits from the state. The IMF tried to force a policy support instrument agreement on the government last month. It aimed at taking over the right of the last word on the nation's fiscal policymaking. It, however, left the country in the face of growing public protests.
   Then an Asian Development Bank team visited Dhaka last week to put pressure on the government to clear the way for Asia Energy to take over Fulbari coal mine. It is taking place at a time when the majority of people are opposed to it on various grounds.
   Meanwhile, several foreign envoys in the capital are reportedly taking long lists of projects to advisers and the chief adviser of the caretaker government, seeking their approval. It looks like a good time to them, although they know this government has no right to take policy decisions, beyond facilitating a free and fair general election.
   Why these things are taking place at a time when the caretaker government by all accounts should have been able to give the signal that it is a time for establishing accountability, not for adding to the list more questionable deals. It is a big question agitating the public mind.

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Dhaka should not sacrifice its interests to please the West

M. Shahidul Islam

Democracy and constitutionalism are not shaky in Bangladesh alone, the entire South and South East Asia regions are undergoing a massive transformation, causing constitutional governance to beat a retreat and a sweeping militarization of the polity from Pakistan to Thailand.
   Frantic geopolitical juggling-fuelled by indispensable economic interests-is behind what seems like a growing tolerance for undemocratic governance in the region.
   Despite that, powerful Western countries are desperate to teach a lesson to Myanmar's military rulers and seeking help from Bangladesh to fashion a sustainable strategy, according to a senior diplomatic source.
   "The recent crackdown on Buddhist monks has given rise to a sense of urgency among the Western leaders," said the source.
   How Dhaka should respond to this pressure from the West? Of course, with a sense of pragmatism and from a national interest-centric perspective. Myanmar is the gateway to Bangladesh's quest to look east and to get integrated into a regional network that will bring much good to the nation in the coming decades. Especially, the pending deals on energy and communications and the search to find a foothold in the Far East depend much on Myanmar's cooperation and friendship.
   That is why Dhaka must not put much emphasis on who rules Myanmar. If military rule can be tolerable in Pakistan because it supports the West, it can as well be tolerable in Myanmar where Bangladesh has vital geopolitical and economic interests. And Bangladesh is not alone in holding a view of this nature which is in sync with its concerns about vital national interests.
   Contrary to popular perceptions, the strength of Myanmar's military regime does not spring only from the fact that the military has ruled the country for the better part since decolonisation from Britain. It has other practical reasons. Even Beijing has limited influence over the generals in Yangon, although the West is blaming China for propping up the regime further.
   Sources say, besides the West's attempt to seek cooperation from Dhaka in punishing Myanmar's military rulers, there are talks of punishing China too in order to change Beijing's mindset with respect to its policies towards Myanmar.
   One likely scenario of hurting China could come in the form of boycotting the 2008 Beijing Olympics. Chinese security experts tasked with studying risks to the 2008 Beijing Olympics, however, believe chances of a boycott over Myanmar, Darfur, Tibet or other issues are slim. Earlier, even President Bush has accepted the Chinese president's invitation to attend the games.
   Then there are arguments that the military is getting more entrenched in Pakistan too. General Pervez Musharraf won a landslide victory in Pakistan's presidential election of October 5, although the election was boycotted by almost all members of the opposition who termed it a sham.
   Although the West is trying to offer a semblance of legitimacy to Musharraf's regime by facilitating power-sharing with Benazir Bhutto, such a stratagem is unlikely to work in Myanmar where the military rulers are going the other way round.
   Musharraf's current tenure as president will expire on November 15. Soon after the polls, the exuberant general hastened to sign into law an amnesty, quashing corruption charges against Benazir with whom he is likely to form an alliance upon her return to the country to contest the next general elections due early 2008. The deal resulted in Benazir's Pakistan People Party (PPP) abstaining from the October 5 voting, but not resigning from the parliament like other opposition parties.
   Pakistan's Chief Election Commissioner Qazi Muhammad Farooq announced that Musharraf had won 252 of the 257 votes cast in the parliament, with three ballots judged as invalid and two going to his main rival, retired judge Wajihuddin Ahmad.
   The winning of the election did not, however, spell an end to Pakistan's political instability as the Supreme Court may yet spoil Musharraf's re-election bid by ruling adversely on the pending challenges to the general's eligibility for office of the president. Hearings on the petitions challenging Musharraf's candidacy will resume on October 17.
   Should the court decide that Musharraf is ineligible to run for re-election as president, he is likely to impose emergency or declare martial law. He will also not fulfil his pledge to give up his role as the army chief and serve as a civilian until he is officially declared as the president. That will deepen the crisis further as Musharraf's popularity has plummeted precipitously since his failed bid to oust the country's top judge in March and his recent brutal offensive against Islamists bunkered inside Islamabad's red mosque has exacerbated the crisis further.
   This week alone, Islamists in Waziristan had killed 20 Pakistani soldiers in a daring encounter while Hamid Karzai's proposition to sit and talk with Taliban leaders was rebuffed by the Islamist warriors. All this indicates that Pakistan is unlikely to revert to democracy soon. Another general may replace Musharraf if the crisis turns into a protracted saga, threatening Pakistan's sovereignty.
   Then, there are other differences which Dhaka must not lose sight of while formulating policies vis a vis Myanmar. Musharraf may be a stooge of the West, but Myanmar's military regime is the opposite and has so far refused to budge to Western pressures. Following a recent trip to Yangon by UN Special Envoy Ibrahim Gambari, the junta chief, Senior General Than Shwe, said on October 4 that he would be willing to meet with Suu Kyi, 'only if she stops calling for sanctions.'
   History also bears witness that sanctions do not bite Myanmar. The junta derives its strength from a cobweb of factors woven into a realistic strategy of regional solidarity and cooperation with neighbourly governments who are all well disposed to its modus operandi. The junta is also treading over a propitious time zone.
   Across the Myanmar border to the north, Thailand too is under the grip of the military and Thai military rulers are in full support of the Myanmar regime and its brutal crackdown on Buddhist monks. The Thai military even launched a crackdown on protesters from Myanmar in many bordering towns during the so-called saffron revolution, according to media reports.
   Thailand is in no mood to hurt Myanmar's interests and the Thai military regime is desperately seeking to preserve its economic interests that amount to billions of dollars in trade and investment opportunities for Thai businesses.
   The same interest works behind China's and India's supports for the Myanmar regime. This regional collaboration has cemented into a cohesive policy perspective and is shielding Myanmar from major impacts of international pressure and sanctions. The intra-regional collaboration is also serving as a model of some sort for many nations who are seeking ways to survive unscathed in the face of increased hostility from the West.
   The Thai economy has become truly dependent on Myanmar and rivals China as the biggest foreign investor in the country. About 20 per cent of Thailand's electricity is generated by the natural gas from Myanmar, fetching well over $2 billion annually from sales of energy to Thailand. Thailand is also building hydro dams in Myanmar while Thai traders are enjoying a booming business in importing rubies and other gems from Myanmar and selling a vast range of Thai consumer products there. That is what has led the Thai military rulers to say Myanmar's junta was 'unfairly provoked by the protesting monks' during the recent unrest.
   On the other hand, the Myanmar-China friendship is based on a host of embedded mutual interests. Not only the two countries are governed by communist regimes, they also have locked themselves in serious strategic and economic interactions. Beijing considers Myanmar as a key source of secure energy supplies and a strategic partner that allows much needed facilities for naval bases in the Indian Ocean.
   Besides, most of Myanmar's military hardware comes from China. Since 1988, China has been Myanmar's biggest arms supplier, providing more than $1.4 billion in Chinese weapons to Myanmar's military regime. China also vouches for Myanmar in the UN Security Council and conducts about $1.1billion worth of annual trade with Myanmar. The volume of Myanmar-China trading constitutes about one-ninth of Myanmar's total GDP, which is only $9.6 billion.
   India, despite being a strategic partner of the US, has long been trying to be cosy with Myanmar's military rulers in order to forestall Chinese influence in the Bay of Bengal littoral on one hand and to meet its voracious appetite for energy on the other. India's oil minister was in Yangon to sign an energy deal when the Myanmar military launched its crackdown on the Buddhist monks. In reaction to the crackdown, India's army chief said the bloodshed was "an internal matter" for Myanmar to decide. He emphasised the "good relationship" India has with the junta.
   One thus discovers a fascinating tale of how the quest for regional energy cooperation helps prop up military regimes at the cost of undermining democratic governance. In recent years, both China and India have won access to dozens of energy projects in Myanmar, including hydro, oil and gas development projects. Talks of restoring democracy and human rights have turned increasingly hollow in the process.
   Of late, China has begun constructing a $2-billion oil pipeline that will allow Beijing to receive Middle East oil shipments without depending on the Strait of Malacca, which is under the watchful vigilance of Western navies. The pipeline is of huge strategic importance to China, while, militarily, China has access to some of Myanmar's naval ports in the Indian Ocean, including intelligence outposts in the Cocoa Island.
   Even America's staunch regional ally, Japan, is conducting business as usual with Myanmar and has become the largest contributor of development assistance to Myanmar's military regime. In 2006, Japan's donation to Yangon was about $25 million while Singapore has been giving training to Myanmar's intelligence agents and providing bank accounts for the regime's top generals and business magnates. Many European companies are investing huge sums in Yangon to build hotels and recreational facilities.
   As a member of the ASEAN since 1997, Myanmar's military rulers are also being aided by most other ASEAN nations while Pakistan's military ruler survives by virtue of ruling a front-like state in the US-led war on terror.
   As the West now tries to tighten nooses against Myanmar's military regime, Dhaka must not hasten into succumbing to undue pressures to act against Myanmar's national interests. Such a move will undermine Bangladesh's credibility as a mature regional player and may jeopardise the progress made so far in building a viable Look East policy for the nation.

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ASEAN backs neither US nor
China over Burma

Thalif Deen in United Nations

The 10-member Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), of which Burma (Myanmar) is a member, is refusing to see eye-to-eye either with the United States or China on how the international community should deal with the ongoing crisis in the politically-troubled military-run country.
   Speaking as chair of ASEAN, Ambassador Vanu Gopala Menon of Singapore told the Security Council Friday the military repression in Burma "cannot just be an internal matter"-a view diametrically opposed to that of China.
   At the same time, he said, he can understand the impulse to punish unacceptable behaviour, even though ASEAN should not rule this out.
   "But we have to pause to consider dispassionately what the real impact of additional sanctions will be?" he asked, expressing scepticism over a proposed move by the United States and Western nations to impose mandatory sanctions on Burma as a punishment for its repression.
   "How will they affect a regime that is only tangentially connected to the rest of the world? Will they help or hinder the U.N.'s role?" he asked. "And what is their impact on the people of Myanmar?"
   US. Ambassador Zalmay Khalilzad told delegates his country has already "imposed sanctions on the regime to encourage it to make further progress."
   If there was no such progress, he warned, "the United States would call for Security Council sanctions. It was time for the Council to do more than simply listen to a briefing."
   Last week, nine of the 10 foreign ministers of ASEAN-representing Malaysia, Indonesia, Singapore, Thailand, the Philippines, Brunei, Vietam, Laos and Cambodia-expressed "revulsion over reports that the protests (in the streets of Burma) were being suppressed by violence."
   Burma was the only ASEAN member to skip that meeting, which took place in the sidelines of the U.N. General Assembly sessions in New York.
   Ambassador U Kyaw Tint Swe, the permanent representative of Burma to the United Nations, said he was made to understand that Menon's statement was "not on behalf of ASEAN"-a claim denied by Singapore.
   But he stressed that despite the "recent tragic events, the situation in Myanmar is not a threat to either regional or international peace and security."
   He expressed his country's deep appreciation to members of the Security Council-namely Russia and China, whom he did not name-for taking that position.
   "I would therefore like to call on the Security Council to refrain from any action that would be detrimental to the good offices role of the secretary-general mandated by the General Assembly," he added.
   The U.N. secretary-general's special adviser on Myanmar, Ambassador Ibrahim Gambari, returned to New York Thursday after a brief visit to the country.
   He said his visit was short, but ideally, the next time around he would like "stay as long as possible and meet all the people I want to meet."
   Gambari said a return visit-possibly in mid-November-should help sustain the momentum and not allow it to slip by. He also told reporters that China and India, along with ASEAN, could be "critically important" in helping resolve the crisis in Burma.
   "We are working closely with them," said Gambari, who called for a time-bound and serious dialogue for national reconciliation.
   Last week, an unnamed Indian official was quoted as saying: "We are not the only democracy that works with generals," as he made a veiled criticism of the United States, which has been a close ally of General Pervez Musharraf of Pakistan.
   India, which has close economic and military ties to Burma, has taken a less critical view of events in that country.
   U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon told the Security Council he was "deeply concerned" about the recent events in Myanmar and the reports of continued human rights violations.
   "I must reiterate that the use of force against peaceful demonstrators is abhorrent and unacceptable," he said.
   "A united Security Council could play an important role in support of the ongoing efforts of the United Nations," he added.
   The Security Council, however, remains divided, with China and Russia, two veto-wielding permanent members, taking the position that the events in Burma do not constitute a threat to international peace and security.
   Last week, the Council was also unable to reach consensus on a proposed presidential statement expressing concerns over the killings in Burma because of opposition from China.
   The traditional Chinese party line is that the demonstrations and killings in the military-run country were a "domestic" problem warranting no international condemnation or U.N. sanctions.
   Yvonne Terlingen, head of Amnesty International's Office at the United Nations, said last Friday the Security Council must press for drastic change in "Myanmar's appalling human rights policies and keep the human rights situation under close and constant review as resolving the human rights crisis is key to addressing peace and security and advancing national reconciliation in Myanmar."
   "The Council must also ensure that those responsible for human rights violations are held accountable and that the Myanmar authorities deal with the country's longstanding human rights concerns, which have helped fuel the recent crisis," she added.
   Last January, both China and Russia exercised their vetoes to block a US.-sponsored draft resolution calling for an end to political repression and human rights violations in Burma.
   Ambassador Wang Guangya of China argued then-as he did Friday-that the problems facing Burma are "basically internal". "No international-imposed solution can help the situation," he told reporters. "We want the government there to handle this issue."
   If the United States pushes for sanctions against Burma, China is expected to use its veto once again to protect a neighbouring country with which it has strong political, economic and military interests.
   A longstanding U.N. observer told IPS that Western oil companies such as Chevron and Total have a major stake in Burma's big gas fields, the financial mainstay of the military junta.
   "So, the story is not just about brutal Chinese policy vs enlightened US. policy," he said. "The cynical manoeuvres in these cases are revolting, as great powers seek their geopolitical interests, never the authentic defence of human rights."
   Taking a different perspective, Ian William, who covers the United Nations for several international publications including the London Guardian, says that even though there is no justification for China to use its veto to protect a universally condemned regime, he sees a parallel in the United States using its own veto to protect its ally Israel over the last decades.
   Since the fall of the Soviet Union, Williams told IPS, Washington has been adding annually to its veto total and will soon outrun the former USSR's tally of "Nyets".
   China is doing itself no favours in using its vetoes for issues like Sudan and Burma, which are surely peripheral to its national interests, and Beijing seems to be realising that it is getting close to calls for boycott of next year's Olympics, which would be an additional blow to its prestige.
   "But it is understandable that it should want to emulate its number one debtor, the United States which has devalued the veto by using it for resolutions which often actually reflect longstanding US. policy on Israel, over settlements, Jerusalem and so on," noted Williams.
   Ironically, it is that same support for Israel which has caused the United States to disregard its own innovation, the "Uniting For Peace" procedure by which issues stuck in the Security Council could be taken up by the General Assembly.
   Williams said the United States invented it during the Korean War-but declared it non-binding after Palestine invoked it to bypass "unreasonable" US. vetoes in the Council.
   "In Kosovo, in Sudan, in Bosnia, the procedure could have been used to save lives, but Washington has effectively disarmed the United Nations in order to protect Israeli-not US.-interests," added Williams, who also writes for the Nation.
   -Inter Press Service

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An exit route for wearied, prolonged caretaker govt?

Shamsuddin Ahmed

It is widely believed that the idea of a national government of consensus floated by Bikalpa Dhara Bangladesh President Dr. AQM Badruddoza Chowdhury is that of an exit route for the 10-month-old caretaker government, which is wearied of the dismal political and morbid economic situations.
   The idea was mooted on Monday at an iftar party attended by leaders of almost all the political parties and groups. It was indeed a good show and certainly encouraging for Bikalpa Dhara and the forces behind the move. But, the proposal received insipid response from the political circles.
   Indeed, the exit route for the government remains uncertain as the two major political parties have been insisting that they would neither sit in the dialogue with the Election Commission on electoral reforms nor take part in the general elections without release of their leaders Khaleda Zia and Sheikh Hasina. Diplomats and international agency offices in Dhaka are apparently confused by the situation prevailing in the country. The IMF resident chief inquired of a journalist a couple of days ago about the exit route for the present caretaker government.
   The first task of this government, as the people were given to understand when it took over on January 11, was bringing about political reforms. The scheme was to screen out corrupt politicians from the political parties. But the agendum remains unfulfilled. The two major parties are still clinging to the leadership of Khaleda Zia and Sheikh Hasina, although they are put behind bars on corruption charges. Their trials are yet to begin because of inordinate delay on the part of the prosecution in gathering concrete evidence of their alleged grafts.
   This has obviously encouraged their followers to claim that the cases lodged against Khaleda and Hasina are false and concocted and so they should be released. BNP leader Hannan Shah alleged Khaleda was arrested only to tarnish the image of the party. But, people's court will frustrate the move and soon set free all the political leaders, he added.
   Awami League leaders have taken a similar stand.
   In their enthusiasm, the National Board of Revenue and the national taskforce against corruption and serious crimes have hooked almost all the business magnates heading corporate bodies. Along with politicians, they have also been listed as corruption suspects. Some of them have been put behind bars, some are on the run and the rest are trying to bargain a way out. The business conglomerates are operating half-heartedly, resulting in a heavy decline in production and a prospect of retrenchment of lakhs of employees and workers. Economic indicators are emitting a worrying signal. The media is stressing the urgency of undoing the wrongs done to the business community, nay the economy. Some even suggested immediate release of the arrested on parole.
   Reports from the districts suggest that in many places the aman production will be badly affected due to scarcity of fertilisers. A farmer in Pabna, requesting anonymity, said fertilisers were being sold on the black market at Tk 13 to Tk 15 per kg against the government-set price of Tk 6. Adviser Mainul Hosein claimed there was an adequate stock of fertilisers but admitted to a distribution problem. A bumper aman crop, despite timely and adequate rains, this season is a remote prospect.
   Let us return to the topic of the proposed national government of consensus. The reaction of Advocate Abdul Hamid, a veteran Awami League leader, to the suggestion is praiseworthy. "The national government of consensus formed by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman in 1975 proved a one-party rule", which met a disastrous end. The parliament becomes meaningless without the presence of an opposition and the government tends to be autocratic. He, however, admired the proposal of a national consensus against anarchy, hartal, demonstration, boycotting the parliament, conflicts among political parties and bloodshed to ensure peace and prosperity.
   But the acting general secretary of his party, Syed Ashraf, has dismissed any national government of consensus that includes anti-liberation forces opposed to secularism, meaning Jamaat. Jamaat is the third largest political party and there can be no effective national government without it.
   BNP reformist leader Abdul Mannan Bhuiyan welcomed the proposal for reasons clear to all. But, the loyalists to Khaleda are confident that they are holding the commands to rule the nation.
   All said and done, it is imperative for the government to act quickly without entering the public debate, undo the wrongs done to the national economy, and punish the politicians found guilty of corruption. Let them be disqualified for holding any public office by the court, let the political parties reach consensus against anarchism or make it binding by law before the elections are held. The Anti-Corruption Commission will be there to deal with the corrupt politicians who may emerge in the future.

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Abdur Rahman Khan

The mighty River Padma has devoured a two-storey building adjacent to a playground and the entire school campus on a five-acre plot. However, the devastation could not deter the students of the Banari Multilateral High School in Munshiganj from pursuing their education under a make-shift arrangement in Hasail village under Tongibari upazila.
   It was on August 8 when the students came to sit the mid-term examinations and found the river flowing above the danger level inundating the school campus. The classes were suspended as the floodwater reached the floor level and an emergency arrangement was made to dismantle and remove three tin-shed structures and shift the furniture to a safer place.
   "We had to suspend the classes for only three days due to flood and river erosion but could resume the classes under a make-shift arrangement at a temporarily constructed tin-shed house on the campus of the nearby Sunrise KG School," said Anisur Rahman, acting headmaster of the 107-year-old school.
   The high school with an attached primary section continued its classes in two shifts a day in four classrooms of the KG school and four newly built tin-shed classrooms during the floods that continued till the end of September.
   "The school is now closed for Ramadan, Eid-ul-fitr and Durga Puja. But senior teachers have to take special coaching classes for the secondary school certificate examinees," he said.
   Mohammad Selim, chairman of Hasail Union Parishad (UP), said the flood completely damaged three government primary schools in his locality. Zahirul Islam, chairman of Kalma UP under the neighbouring Louhajang upazila said five government primary schools of his locality were totally devoured by the Padma. "Villagers could only save some of the furniture of the schools," he said, adding that Dhaida, a neighbouring union, did not exist any more as the entire area was washed away by the strong current of floodwaters.
   Hasail, Kalma and Dhaida are only few localities which were wrecked by the twin floods that affected 263 upazilas in the country's 46 districts.
   The first spell of flooding began in the last week of July while the second spell came in early September.
   The official statistics show that a total of 29, 61,972 people in 2,096 families were worst hit this time. Apart from damage to crops, road networks and dwelling houses, the flooding has damaged 1,929 primary schools and 3,700 secondary schools and colleges throughout the country.
   Of the damaged primary schools, the highest figure was 673 in Tangail district followed by 402 in Faridpur and 318 in Manikganj.
   According to Ekramul Huq, deputy director of Secondary and Higher Secondary Education said Sirajganj district was at the top of the list of damaged secondary educational institutes, with five high schools and one college ruined by the floods.
   The government at present is estimating the cost to repair or rebuilt the damaged educational institutes, said education ministry officials.

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GLIMPSES OF THE GREAT

Mustafa Kemal Ataturk

K. Z. Islam

Mustafa Kemal Atatürk (1881 - November 10, 1938) was an army officer, revolutionary statesman, the founder of the Republic of Turkey and its first President (1923).
   Mustafa Kemal established himself as a successful and extremely capable military commander while serving as a division commander in the Battle of Gallipoli (1915). He later fought with distinction on the eastern Anatolian and Palestinian fronts, making a name for himself during World War I. Following the defeat of the Ottoman Empire at the hands of the Allies, and the subsequent plans for its partition, Mustafa Kemal led the Turkish national movement in what would become the Turkish War of Independence. Having established a provisional government in Ankara, he defeated the forces sent by the Entente powers. His successful military campaigns led to the liberation of the country and to the establishment of the Republic of Turkey.
   Mustafa Kemal then embarked on a major programme of reforms in the political, economic and cultural aspects of life in Turkey, with the perspectives defined in the Kemalist ideology, which sought to create a modern, democratic and secular nation-state, guided by educational and scientific progress based on the principles of positivist and rationalist enlightenment.
   The improvement of relations with Britain was symbolised by the private visit of King Edward VIII. He was on a cruise in the Mediterranean with Mrs. Wallis Simpson on board the yacht Nablin, and it was arranged that he should stop in Istanbul. The king arrived on 4 September 1936, and Ataturk met him on the quay of Dolmabahce palace. The following day he accompanied the king in an open car to the British consulate-general, before taking him on the ageing yacht Ertugrul to the new presidential summer house in Florya. In the evening, Ataturk and his guests watched a regatta off Moda, the suburb on the Asian shore favoured by English merchants. The visit produced a crop of apocryphal stories meant to illustrate Ataturk's dignified patriotism. We are told that when a Turkish waiter dropped a plate, Ataturk apologised, saying, 'We can train our people for any job, except that of a lackey', and that when the king steadied himself by placing his hand on the quayside as he landed, Ataturk said, 'Don't worry, the soil of our country is clean.'
   The visit of King Edward VIII became an important ingredient of the Ataturk legend: the British monarch had come in person to bury the hatchet, disown the legacy of Gladstone and Lloyd George, and pay homage to the new Turkey. Ataturk had a high opinion of British power and skills. He believed that in world wars, 'Britain had always won and would always do so.' It 'was not merely a power, but a world power; it was ubiquitous; its interests lay everywhere.' The fact that he had worsted the British, militarily in Gallipoli and diplomatically in the War of Independence, made it easier to love the old enemy. The British government was not slow to cultivate the image of chivalrous enemies renewing the bond of friendship. A specially bound copy of General Aspinall-Oglander's official history of the Gallipoli campaign with its retrospective tribute to Mustafa Kemal, had been presented.
   P.S. Speaking at a meeting of teachers, Mustafa Kemal made his celebrated statement: 'For everything in the world - for civilisation, for life, for success - the truest guide is knowledge and science. To seek a guide other than knowledge and science is a mark of heedlessness, ignorance and aberration.' These words are engraved on the front of the main building of Ankara University, the uncompromising positivist message was clear: science is the best guide in life.

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NEWS NOTES FROM NEW YORK

Fazle Rashid

UN names Oct 2 as Int'l Non-Violence Day
   The United Nations commemorating Gandhi's yeoman services to no-violence has decided to observe October 2, his birthday, as International Non-Violence Day. Sonia Gandhi, no kin of MK Gandhi, has been chosen to postulate the Gandhian philosophy of non-violence.
   But, the Gandhi Heritage, a non-profit organisation, in a full-page advertisement in the New York Times has asserted that Sonia is not the right person to speak on the Gandhian philosophy.
   The GH ad has depicted her as a rogue. It claims Sonia is vindictive and undemocratic and pursues a pro-terrorist policy, making India the second largest sanctuary of terrorists after Iraq, characterises Manmohon Singh as the prime instigator of anti-Sikh riots, her party has shown intolerance towards the Hindus by blowing up the Rama Setu, there is a crusade to Christianise India, her husband the late Rajiv Gandhi received kickbacks from the KGB and had a deposit to the tune of $2 billion in a secret account with a Swiss bank, her son Rahul was detained in the US with huge amount of unaccounted-for cash and was involved in the UN Oil for Food programme in which former foreign minister Natwar Singh was shown the door.
   The organisation also has alleged that Sonia does not have a degree from the Cambridge University as she claims; she is only a high school graduate. The GH also has accused her of plundering state money. So, she is not the right person to speak on Gandhian philosophy, it argues.
   
   NYT questions Indo-US nuclear deal
   The Bush administration and the American business community have been hoping for a swift rubberstamping by the House of Representatives of their ill-conceived nuclear trade deals with India.
   It is true the Congress was far too uncritical when it gave preliminary approval to the deal, but the Congressmen are now beginning to raise questions about it. Both Democrat and Republican legislators fear that the agreement will unfairly benefit India's weapons programme as much as its pursuit of nuclear power and that it will make it even harder to rein in the nuclear wannabes, including Iran. They also apprehend that if the deal is not punctuated by conditions, it will make it too easy for India to do an end-run around Washington and buy technology and fuel from the states that are ever eager to make money.
   
   WHO announces new anti-cancer trategy
   Everyone has the right to be treated and to die with dignity, the World Health Organisation said in its guide to planning end-of-life care. The document is not aimed at doctors but health ministers. It reveals how many people in a country are in need of such care and what obstacles they confront in receiving them.
   More than seven million people died of cancer in 2005 and 70 per cent of them were in poor or middle-income group countries. Unless medicines are soon found, more than 11 million people will die of cancer a year across the world by 2030.
   
   Nepal polls stalled
   A serious discord between the Nepalese government and the former Maoist rebels has prompted postponement of general elections slated for November 22, halting the framing of a new constitution, the major element of which will be the abolition of monarchy. No fresh election date has yet been announced. Maoists are pressing hard for the abolition of monarchy before the polls.
   The bitter fight between the mutinous Maoists and the government had continued for a decade, which claimed more than 13,000 lives.
   
   UN calls for end to repressions in Myanmar
   UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon in a strongly worded statement denounced Myanmar's ruling junta's recent repressive measures against the pro-democracy group, saying the actions were abhorrent and unacceptable. He has demanded immediate release of all those who have been arrested.
   Ban Ki-moon had made this introductory statement before the UN special envoy to Myanmar, Ibrahim Gambir, made his report to the Security Council on the brutal crackdown. There are continuing and disturbing reports of abuses being committed by the security agencies and certain non-uniformed elements particularly during the curfew hours. Now, more than ever before, the military junta should move decisively towards democratisation and respect for human rights. A united Security Council can play a significant role, the report said, making an oblique reference to China's tactical support for the Myanmar military junta.
   
   US not in a position to attack Iran
   Iran says it has information about an imminent American attack, which it terms a psychological war. America is overcommitted in Iraq and is not in a position to open a new front. United States has been saying it has no immediate plan to attack Iran and will seek a diplomatic solution to the problem. A nuclear Iran may be a threat to Israel, which is a major concern for the US foreign policy advisers.
   
   ACLU sues US govt for wiretapping
   The American Civil Liberties Union has urged the US Supreme Court to settle the question of whether the US president has the inherent authority to order wiretapping on Americans without a warrant. It asked the court to review an appellate ruling that had thrown out a lower court's ruling that eavesdropping operated by the National Security Agency was illegal and unconstitutional.
   Jameel Jaffer, legal counsel for the ACLU, has said the president continues to claim the authority to violate any law that regulates his opportunities to gather foreign intelligence - a dangerous claim, which the court should not let go without a review.
   
   Tussle in China over leadership
   Leaders of the Communist Party of China are locked in a debate over who should sit on the Politburo Standing Committee and who should succeed President Hu Jianto as China's number one leader five years from now.
   The uncertainty has contributed to a tense political climate in Beijing, where anxieties over economic overheating and talks of military action to keep Taiwan from moving towards legal independence have complicated the ruling party's already delicate internal succession process, said the NYT in a report. The Communist Party Congress will be held on October 15.
   
   Global support for trade waning
   Both buoyed and battered by globalisation, people around the world view international trade as a good thing but harbour growing concerns about its side effects, such as threats to the environment and challenges posed by immigration, the NYT reported quoting the findings of a new survey.
   The support for global trade has taken a nosedive in the industrialised nations, found the Pew Global Attitudes study, which, its says has dropped by 19 per cent in Germany, France, Italy, and, most notably, the USA.
   
   Tailpiece
   'For even as love crowns you so shall he crucify you. Even as he is for your growth so is he for your pruning' - Khalil Gibran.

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