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Party reforms
Abandon the captains to save the ships
Mumtaz Iqbal
Those of us old or lucky enough to see the film The Caine Mutiny (1954) starring Humphrey Bogart, based on Herman Wouk's book of the same title, know it deals with a rebellion against constituted authority generated by unusual circumstances, just like the revolt of the five East Bengal Regiment (EBR) battalions in 1971 against the Pakistan Army's chain of command.
The difference is that the EBR actions were an existential decision motivated by high patriotism involving about 5,000 soldiers whose allegiance and loyalty had been strained beyond endurance by a long chain of dramatic and bloody events. The Caine Mutiny recounts the circumstances under which the first officer of a US naval warship seized command from a mentally unstable captain.
Bogart plays the role of Lt. Cdr. Francis Queeg commanding the destroyer-minesweeper USS Caine. A veteran of the North Atlantic U-boat warfare, Queeg seems to be just the man to bring the poorly-disciplined Caine crew back to shape.
But Queeg turns out to be incompetent and cowardly, displays erratic behaviour (obsessed with stealing frozen strawberries and continually rolling steel balls in his hands) and soon loses the confidence of his officers. In the court-martial that follows the Caine's docking, Queeg collapses under cross-examination and is reassigned to a dead-end secluded desk job in inland Iowa, while the first officer is acquitted of the charge of mutiny.
Contemporary Relevance
The movie has some parallels to the current predicament facing Hasina and Khaleda. Both ladies undoubtedly played notable roles in guiding the anti-Ershad movement in the 1980s and fully deserve credit and our thanks for that effort. The nation rewarded and honoured them by electing Hasina once and Khaleda twice as the prime minister. However, on balance, they racked up more negatives than positives during their days in and out of power.
Between them, the ladies managed to destroy or disable state institutions, fostered, promoted, and turned a blind. Retaining confidence is tricky and depends largely on how one performs. Popular leaders have lost public confidence over time for flawed performance. Nehru after the NEFA debacle in November 1962, Mujib after BAKSAL in 1975, and Tony Blair after his Iraq adventure in 2007 are three examples.
Even leaders performing outstandingly have not escaped public wrath. Thus, Churchill was turfed out of office in 1946 despite his sterling wartime service. The public is a stern servant and a bad master, generous in support but unforgiving when crossed.
Against this background, there is little doubt that Hasina and Khaleda currently enjoy precious little public confidence. What they had or enjoyed was squandered through inept and inapt performance in office. Their right and proper course of action would have been, like Blair, to bow out of public life-where they have surely overstayed their welcome-with as much dignity and grace as possible and groom their successors to save their respective parties.
Instead, both ladies have responded with ostrich-like platitudes, utterly irrelevant self-serving utterances, and a shrill myopic insistence on their infallibility. They have refrained from any serious attempts at self-analysis to understand how and why things went awry.
Thus, Hasina proclaimed last March that she would approve all the actions of the interim government if she came to power. Khaleda insisted to journalists in June that there were no corrupt people in the BNP.
Whatever possessed them to make such rash and naïve statements? It would not be unreasonable or uncharitable to suspect that they have lost their power of judgment, even mental equilibrium, and have become an indelible and inelegant part of the current political problem rather than the solution.
Incentive to 'Mutiny'
The predictable result is that the officers and crew of the good and venerable ships Awami League (AL) and Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), after a period of growing grumbling at the ladies' mumblings and fumbling, have 'mutinied' and taken matters in their own hands.
Thus, in the past week, BNP's Mannan Bhuiyan and AL's Abdur Razzak and Tofail Ahmed have announced reform programmes that threaten, at the least, to clip the autocratic wings of Hasina and Khaleda and, at the most, sideline them or make them irrelevant.
There is little doubt that these dissidents are being encouraged-at least, not being discouraged-by the interim authorities. But, it would be facile to consider the former merely the puppets of the latter.
The 'mutineers' represent a reasonable and reasonably influential body of opinion within both parties that, seeing the writing on the wall (eroded public confidence), are desperately keen to reinvigorate their respective organisations, recoup lost popular support, and simultaneously ensure their own relevance and survival. Institutional and personal interests drive this effort.
Thus, there is a degree of common and overlapping interests between the dissidents and the authorities that converge over the removal or retirement of these two ladies from active public office.
How this struggle is waged in the coming weeks and months will be a fascinating spectacle. Both Hasina and Khaleda directly or through proxies have claimed that reforms can only be implemented at a properly convened party council (meaning they will call the shots) and only after the embargo on political activities is lifted. They are girding up for an epic and existential fight.
Whether this posture of the ladies' is whistling in the dark, or to keep up their courage and that of their entourage, is an open question. Does the Dhaka Stock Exchange's recent robust performance suggest that investors think they are history? Or is it surplus liquidity, starved of investment outlets (e.g., real estate), temporarily boosting the stock prices?
But, at bottom, the crucial question remains: should the officers and other ranks abandon the captains in order to salvage the ships that are part of our political heritage? Or will the masters remain unyielding, go down with their vessels, and take all or part of the crew with them to Davy Jones' Locker?
In other words, after us, the deluge!
A lot depends on the outcome. If the dissidents have their way, their 'mutiny' will be remembered as a daring venture that succeeded. They will reap the rewards of this risky venture, just as the EBR soldiers did. Nothing ventured, nothing gained.
The authorities seem to hold most of the cards at the moment as public opinion is, by and large, somewhat lukewarm over the fate of the two ladies, though there is justifiable if muted concern over the manner of the proceedings against them.
At the same time, it is just as well to remember that the public is notoriously fickle, can change its opinion on a dime, and certainly does so over time. Since politics make for strange bedfellows, it is quite likely that both the authorities and dissidents will use a large spoon to sup with each other.
The current alliance between them is a marriage of convenience and certainly not one made in heaven. The Tk 64K question is what type of offspring will emerge from this odd political union.
Will it enjoy public confidence or will the public be suckered again?
The author is a free lancer.
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Manju jailed for 5 years
Wine for guests proves a curse
Shamsuddin Ahmed
Five years' jail! Exclaimed most of the newsroom staff as the court reporter phoned in the report on the verdict in a liquor case against their editor, Anwar Hossain Manju, pronounced in late June. A Dhaka metropolitan sessions' judge awarded him the punishment in absentia for keeping a few bottles of wine and some cans of beer at his residence. But, Manju is known to his friends as a non-alcoholic.
Barrister Maudud Ahmed now in jail custody is also being tried on the same charge. Sixteen bottles of liquor were seized from his Gulshan residence on April 14 and the police filed the case.
An eminent lawyer, Maudud has served as a minister of the governments led by Ziaur Rahman, HM Ershad and Khaleda Zia. He is also a former vice-president of the country and is the author of a number of books. His counsel fears Maudud may receive a similar sentence.
Manju is the editor cum publisher of a leading daily of the country and chief of a Jatiya Party faction. He had been a minister for more than a decade. Also a promising entrepreneur, he owns textile and packaging industries. It was common for diplomats and foreigners visiting him at his home. How great a crime did he commit by keeping the wine at his home to entertain such guests? Many finds the punishment too severe for the offence made. If he was found involved in any serious crime, including corruption, people would not be so surprised.
It is true that our law forbids alcoholic beverage, including wine and beer. But production and import of alcohol are allowed in the country. The state-owned Carew & Company at Darshana produces a variety of liquors and markets them within the country and abroad. Liquors, wines, and beer of various kinds and brands are regularly imported. They are available at posh hotels, bars, and clubs. Does the law discriminate between drinking at home and at hotels, bars or clubs then?
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Clampdown on black money may
lead to capital dearth
M.I. Ali
The National Board of Revenue (NBR) chairman went on TV to give an unqualified undertaking that no one who 'whitened' his 'black' money would be persecuted by the government. He even offered to make the declaration in black and white on a 'non-judicial stamp paper' should anyone wanted. Unfortunately, there have been only a few takers, far less than the crowd expected to queue up to declare their illegal wealth. In all probability, the offer has drawn the least response from those who were tardy in paying their taxes.
The offer also has triggered a few questions. For instance, how much weight an undertaking of the NBR chair carries with the Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC)? Is the ACC bound to honour the NBR chief's undertaking? Apparently not, for the ACC chairman has already made his intention known that he intends to get laws promulgated which will give the ACC access to the NBR records. And the ACC has not given any assurance that it will not demand explanations from those who will declare their ill-gotten wealth.
The enthusiasm with which the present administration is going after the corrupt people commands appreciation from every one who wants to see a healthy society with transparent political and economic activities. Unfortunately, everything has a price and honesty can be expensive. This is reflected in the market prices. We are now realising, albeit with pain, that corruption in fact helped keep the market prices low. Cost of funds was cheap as nobody paid any tax to the government, transportation cost was low as trucks were loaded twice their capacity, and nobody worried about warehouse, safety measures, environment licence, etc. Thus, even after paying bribes to lawmen and other rackets, the commodity prices were lower than they should have been.
Our economy has been running on black money for more than 35 years and going totally white overnight will have its costs. Besides, is there enough white money in the economy to replace the black overnight? And, will there be enough money left to finance the economic activities after black money holders, the major investors, pay up the taxes and fines to whiten their money? Is the worst in terms of market prices yet to come? With the deadline of July 31, the date after which the NBR is going to hunt down all owners of undeclared assets, looming ahead, will the businessmen be busy running their normal business or will they try frantically to find ways to stash their black money, which in effect will take it out of circulation?
Contingency plans must be made now to finance the economy after the black money is pulled out by businessmen used to operating under the previous economic circumstances. To them, regularising their black money by paying the taxes and fines means reducing their capital by around 40 per cent. Real businessmen do not have idle money. Their own capitals as well as any loans they have taken from banks are normally tied up with their businesses. Assuming that they pay the overdue taxes, the administration must think how they will carry on with their businesses after July 31 at the current scale of operations.
The present administration should decide either to take the responsibility on itself to rid the nation completely of corruption and of corrupt people or to institute a foolproof system that will ensure a corruption-free society in the future, i.e., after the politicians take over. The problem inherent in the first option is where to draw the line in the hunt for the corrupt. Unfortunately, corruption has permeated every stratum of the society and once the hunt is on, it is only fair that every corrupt person should be brought to the books. This is a mammoth task, which requires a continuing process and not a one-off drive.
The post-1/11 developments have shown that people are actively supporting the changes the present administration is bringing about in the country. But, despite the best of intentions, it will be difficult, if not well-nigh impossible, to undo the evils of 35 years in just 18 months. The reasonable, and moderate, way of accomplishing the task seems to set the necessary machinery and institutions in motion that will discourage people in future, after the state power is handed back to politicians, to revert to the corrupt practices. An independent judiciary, independent ACC, Election Commission, and Tax Ombudsman, an effective local government system, a legislature where lawmakers are free to express views without the fear of losing their seats, democracy within and outside the party, and a well-paid corps of civil servants who will not be forced to resort to corruption to live a reasonably good life could be some of the safeguards against the society's relapsing to old corrupt ways in the future.
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India may bring sea change
in relations with neighbours
Special Correspondent
What transpired between Awami League President Sheikh Hasina and Indian Foreign Secretary Shivshankar Menon is a question vexing many minds. They had a 20-minute closed-door meeting on June 27 at Sudha Sadan, the residence of Hasina.
They reportedly talked for some time in presence of a foreign ministry official. After coming out of the meeting, Menon suddenly went back inside from the door on a certain pretext and held the exclusive talks. The serpentine behaviour of Menon triggered the speculations.
When asked, an Awami League leader wondered about the issues Hasina and Menon might have discussed, another crook politician laid out the political chessboard to infer, while a professor of political science pointed to the political designs of New Delhi's South Block, where sit the chanakyas.
But a layman immediately answered: In deep crisis and apprehending imminent political death, Hasina had, in all probability, sought India's protection. She is daughter of Sheikh Mujib, a proven ally of India, a strong secular voice in Bangladesh, she told Menon and went to the extent of assuring India of transit facility if she could return to power with its support. Menon smiled and in his diplomatic nuance assured her of considering her points.
True, India can create problem in Bangladesh if it wants to. We are surrounded by India, where hundreds of criminals and militants, who fled Bangladesh in the wake of the crackdown on them, are in hiding. They can be abetted and sent back with small arms and explosives through the porous borders to destabilise the situation in Bangladesh.
According to the Chinese, in modern days, one needs not go for a frontal fight with the enemy. Send in dissidents with small arms and explosives, drugs and damsels backed by some money. They are enough to weaken the enemy and bring it to its knees.
The question is if New Delhi will take such steps. Bangladesh has demonstrated utmost friendly and cordial approach towards India in the recently-concluded foreign secretary-level meeting in Dhaka. It is believed that Dhaka has favourably responded to some of the cherished desires of New Delhi, asking it to wait till an elected government takes over. They appreciated that those were touchy matters and impossible for the interim government to implement.
Again, bound by the nuclear accord, India and the USA are following a unified policy in the region. They, particularly the USA, are driving Dhaka to their fold. Therefore, Washington is unlikely to consent to any step by New Delhi at this stage that may annoy Dhaka.
Despite that, the administration might be weighing the prospect of unhappy developments influenced from across the border before bringing Sheikh Hasina to the court for trial. Trials of cases filed against her for alleged graft in frigate and MIG-29 purchase are pending. Besides, more corruption cases against her are in the offing on the basis of recent confessional statements of her cousin and former minister Sheikh Selim.
Political pundits feel that New Delhi no longer relies on Hasina and her party, which most people brand pro-Indian. Following her 2001 election debacle, New Delhi was believed to have shifted its reliance on the young leadership of BNP. It is likely India will now seek new ally in Bangladesh.
The changing political trend in Nepal is also a factor. Renowned British columnist Gwynne Dyer has recently wrote that it is only miles away from Maoists taking over power in Nepal. In that event, decades of rule by Nepalese Congress party, an extension of Indian Congress, is going to end. That will boost the morale of Maoists who are gaining strength in more than a dozen states of India, especially around Nepal, to the discomfort of the central government.
Political developments in some of its own states and elsewhere in South Asia may compel Indian leaders to remould their policy towards the neighbours.
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Portraits of three envoys
Thomas was frank, Butenis bubbly,
Sikri reticent
Sadeq Khan
News-hungry reporters of Bangladesh miss the presence of the now-departed US ambassador Patricia A. Butenis. Her colourful predecessor Harry K. Thomas was also a darling of the Bangladeshi media. Some reporters fondly nicknamed him Kala Hari. The style of the last two successive US ambassadors in Bangladesh were, however, very different.
Ambassador Thomas spoke Bangla, and had a studied grasp of the growing class contradictions in Bangladesh under the impact of globalisation. He could never be deflected by leading questions about Bangladesh politics from quizzing reporters. But he always had ready comments and observations on social ills that afflicted Bangladesh politics. His warnings about the perils of extremism of both "sharbohara" and "jehadi" brands as two sides of the same fake coin that must be discarded, came at the right hour. His quips made headlines and his visits in different parts of the country aroused curiosity and goodwill amongst a broad cross-section of the host population.
Ambassador Butenis was also superactive during her shorter tenure of 14 months only. But much of her time was taken up by the heat of domestic politics, in which she somehow got embroiled. It has been suggested in media gossips that her like-minded colleague in the diplomatic community, the now-departed Indian High Commissioner Veena Sikri was her friend, philosopher and guide for snap lessons about the complications of domestic politics in Bangladesh. But High Commissioner Sikri herself was not open to media quizzes about her country's interest in the domestic politics of Bangladesh, although the length and frequency of her visits to and meetings with political leaders, particularly of the-then "opposition" parties, with Sheikh Hasina in particular, suggested that she too was obsessed with all possible diplomatic stints to sway domestic politics in Bangladesh. High Commissioner Sikri, however, often used "media diplomacy", bypassing regular mode of diplomatic communication, by loaded press releases justifying bloody border intrusions and random killings of Bangladeshis by Indian Border Security Forces.
Ambassador Butenis, on the other hand, was very much open to the media on her "shuttle diplomacy" between the leaders of the two polarised camps of mainstream politics and power game in Bangladesh. In the charged atmosphere in Bangladesh in which she volunteered for that mission, joined by some European Union envoys, both the leading questions put to her and her ready responses made big headlines. Bashir Ahmed, a commentator in a vernacular newspaper noted in a summary on "14 months of Butenis diplomacy" as follows:
"Ambassador Patricia A. Butenis came to Bangladesh on a 3-year mission when the political situation in Bangladesh was turning complex. After fourteen months of onerous mission, she is leaving to undertake a more complex mission in Iraq. (Her predecessor) Harry K. Thomas freely mixed with all classes of people in Bangladesh. Ambassador Butenis chose to maintain a 'high-profile' and keep close links with political circles. She took office (on 3 April, 2006) when the political climate was getting hot in Bangladesh over the formation of the Caretaker Government and the conduct of the Election Commission.
"From the very beginning Ambassador Butenis showed keen interest in the domestic politics of Bangladesh. She made her observations at every turn on all controversies ranging from Election Commission reforms, the Presidential Caretaker Government, political violence of siege programmes (which she appeared to condone by suggesting that situation was not grave enough to call the military in aid of civil administration), the cancellation of January 22 election, the declaration of state of emergency, the induction of the new caretaker government to latest issues arising in regard to political activity and political leadership. During the prevalence of confrontational politics, she held constant parleys with different sides. With changes of situation, one could note her changes of attitude as well. Sometimes she upheld the importance of abiding by the law and the constitution, sometimes she said it is public opinion that ultimately mattered. Her observations on various domestic political issues were as much discussed as criticised. Her role provoked controversies and questions about diplomatic propriety. But she was not discouraged. She used to say, 'Many may be annoyed by what I am doing or saying, but I shall carry on, as whatever I am doing is for democracy in Bangladesh.'
"It is not clear, though, exactly what Ambassador Butenis wanted to do for democracy in Bangladesh, and only future will tell what she could achieve towards that end by her activities over the last 14 months. When she came, the political climate of Bangladesh was hot. When she is leaving, party political activity remains banned in Bangladesh, and the climate is cool...... She openly expressed a wish that before she left, she wanted to see at least the resumption of indoor politics in Bangladesh. She was leaving without fulfillment of that wish."
In her Flag Day address to early Independence Day celebration at the American embassy in Bangladesh on June 14 and duly published on July 4 in newspaper supplements on US Independence Day, Ambassador Butenis offered an explanation: "This event has special meaning for me since it is the last time I will have the opportunity and the honor to speak formally as the United States ambassador to Bangladesh.
"During my time here in Bangladesh, I have been impressed by how deeply Americans and Bangladeshis share common values. We both pride ourselves on our diversity and our traditions of tolerance and moderation. We both have deep love for family and democracy.
"It is in the interest of the United States that Bangladesh be a free, prosperous, and democratic country. Everything we care about in Bangladesh, from counterterrorism to counter-poverty, hinges on sustainable democratic growth. I hope you will agree with me that this vision for Bangladesh is also the vision of the people and government of Bangladesh.
"As I depart Bangladesh, I would like to say how much I have been touched by the openness and friendliness of everyone I have met here, whether it is in the halls of power in Dhaka, the market stalls of Rajshahi, the business houses of Chittagong, the tea fields of Sylhet, or the riverine communities of the Sunderbans. I will always remember Bangladeshis as cultured, friendly, hard working people with open minds and open homes.
"If I have ever offended any of you, either by words or deeds, let me say that everything I said or did was offered in the true spirit of friendship, partnership, and mutual respect. Please remember that I never spoken on behalf of the BNP, the Awami League, or any other party or faction, but in support of democratic concepts and democratic practices.
"If I may offer one regret as I complete my tenure as ambassador, it is that I leave Bangladesh without having had the opportunity to witness free, fair, and credible elections. I hope everyone in this room will support efforts to reform the political process and to restore democracy to Bangladesh as soon as possible."
That explanation was certainly well received. She unequivocally lent support "to reform the political process", and expressed American wish to see Bangladesh as "a free, prosperous and democratic country." Combined with other repeated diplomatic assertions on behalf of the United States recognising Bangladesh as a democratic, moderate muslim state, the position of USA and of Ambassador Butenis appears to be different from the Indian position as expressed by an assertion of visiting Indian Foreign Secretary Shivshankar Menon on 27 June. The Indian Foreign Secretary said: "A peaceful, stable, democratic, secular and prosperous Bangladesh is in Indian's own national interest." Bangladesh is certainly secular in practice both in official and community conduct, and freedom of faith is guaranteed by the Constitution. But Islam remains the state religion of Bangladesh, the same way as Church of England is the state religion of the United Kingdom. Majority population of this country will not be brow-beaten to forget their religious identity for conforming to alien demands.
To go back to Butenis diplomacy, the now-departed US Ambassador appeared again to change her mind when following a public expression of anguish on June 17 by Sheikh Hasina that party political reforms were being imposed by pressure from outside, Ambassador Butenis told reporters after her farewell call at the Bangladesh Foreign Ministry on June 18, that party political reforms must come from within and not under pressure from outside. Many newspaper readers found her remarks as "diplomatic hedging" to erect a smokescreen to protect some discredited political leaders with whom she became close. Be that as it may, the political party reforms process has already obtained a strong enough momentum from within the senior leadership of the political parties themselves, and of course has the moral support of broad public opinion. Future will tell whether "the efforts to reform the political process" may achieve sustainability and build a solid political infrastructure of a democratic moderate Muslim state.
Ambassador Butenis in her Flag Day address also said: "Our faith traditions include Christianity, Buddhism, Hinduism, Islam, and Judaism. We are all Americans. We are defined as Americans, not by race or creed, but by our shared beliefs.
"Thomas Jefferson laid out some of those beliefs in our Declaration of Independence 231 years ago: 'We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their creator with certain unalienable rights, that among these are Life, Liberty, and the pursuit of Happiness.' It is true that we have not always lived up to our ideals: after independence, there was still slavery in the United States for almost a hundred years, and women gained the political right to vote only in the early twentieth century, but we continue to strive to more fully realize our ideals."
Thomas Jefferson in his writings also asserted that in democracy, it cannot be a matter of right for anyone, however outstanding, to stick to a political post. Indeed the current reform proposals in major political parties in Bangladesh aim precisely to establish that principle.
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Jalil quits politics, seeks release
Special Correspondent
Abdul Jalil, general secretary of Awami League, has resigned from the party in his decision to quit politics.
Announcing the decision, Jalil appealed to the Chief Adviser to release him from detention considering his critical health condition.
Political circles viewed that the decision of Jalil would cause aserious damage to Awami League.
The 70-year old politician from Naogaon arrested on May 28 is now in hospital suffering from heart ailment.
Jalil's decision to quit politics and appeal to release him jail came in a letter to Chief Adviser Dr Fakhruddin Ahmed, which was released by his wife Rehana Jalil at a press conference at her Gulshan residence today.
Explaining the reason for staying out of politics Jalil squarely blamed Awami League President Sheikh Hasina. "It is her dictatorial leadership that harmed the party and the nation", he said.
"The party needs immediate change (of leadership). The way it was run allowed many wrongs and mistakes, and caused harms. The party came under the dominance of inefficient, opportunist and selfish people," he added.
Jalil urged the Chief Adviser to consider the overall situation and "allow me to live in freedom....I've decided to retire from politics for the sake of my health and the family."
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New political party taking in old faces
A. K. Faezul Huq
A new political party is in the offing. That is a story which is no more a secret, but certainly an aura of secrecy is maintained when the question arises as to who is going to lead it. In fact, it is a hot and spicy subject of public speculation today amongst many inquisitive citizens who are relatively conscious. Janab Ferdous Ahmed Qureshi, a well-known student leader of the 60s and 70s, who later became the Joint Secretary General of late Ziaur Rahman's BNP [after Zia floated his party in 1978], had later fell apart soon from his new mentor and almost went into a state of 'political oblivion' for long 26 years. He is once again back on the scene having re-entered the political orbit of Bangladeshi politics with a mild bang no doubt.
Ferdous Qureshi's mission
Qureshi, for some reason or the other, had kept himself completely aloof from the political scenario of the country for a long period of time, but is now devotedly engaged with a specific mission to organise the party and float it. Obviously, as everyone knows by now, there is a strong force behind the entire move and Qureshi is just completing a part of the huge mission, which I believe, has stemmed out of a vision that was hidden for quite a long time, only to make its presence felt after the events of 1/11. In any case, there is no harm if a new political party with a mission [and new vision] is added to our long list of active and inactive political organisations, but the moot question once again is: How far viable the new outfit would be without a mega patron as its head?
As a matter of fact, I have all along, on a personal level stressed immense doubts as to whether a new political organisation can at all survive in the vast sea of political uncertainty that we Bangladeshis live in now, especially without a solid anchor. Floating of a new political party would be rather easy under the present circumstances no doubt, [with the 'emergency cover' et al], and of course with the two major political parties passing through an extremely bad patch due to the euphoria of reforms agenda all around. But giving birth to any idea, product or organisation and rearing and nurturing it properly afterwards to its logical conclusion, is a different story altogether.
A very strong and able hand is indeed needed to run the mega show in the stormy sea of our politics, where the shores are often invisible. With BNP, presently laden with the liability of hundreds of alleged corrupt ministers, MPs and leaders of other ranks, there is an obvious, visible exodus of party leaders, especially of the second order/ranks no doubt. Those leaders obviously shall be under tremendous pressure to make up their minds quickly and finally as to what should be their future strategy and course of action. In other words, they shall have to decide whether they can continue to stay with their parent organisations in the confusing political scenario, or leave it to join the new bandwagon that is almost round the corner.
Jatiya Party ministers
And as expected, many old political faces are flocking around the new organization ? both invited and otherwise. One can see Sheikh Shahidul Islam [Hasina's cousin]; Kazi Feroz ar Rashid; Tajul Islam ? all former JP ministers in General Ershad's cabinet for many years ? flocking around Ferdous Qureshi these days, most of the time. Sheikh Shahid, a scion of Late Sheikh Mujib's family, was a prominent student leader of the late '60s. He took active part in our war of independence in 1971, returned home triumphantly, but took enough time to make his mark in active politics. He joined Ershad's bandwagon, the Jatiyo Party, in the mid-80s; contested the semi-farcical elections, got elected an MP and later inducted in Ershad's cabinet as a minister of state in 1986. For some reason or the other, may be an admixture of personal and political conflicts, he was dormant for a good period of time before he joined full time politics.
Sheikh Shahid left Ershad and tucked himself fully with Anwar Hosain Manju's faction of Jatiyo party when the big split surfaced in Ershad's organisation in 2001. However, Shahid is quite competent otherwise and politically sound for handling major political responsibilities at any given time, except of course the topmost slot.
Kazi Feroz, as we have known him since our times, is relatively less vibrant and dashing than Sheikh Shahid. He is politically desperate also and since his Jubo League days, has already changed five or six political platforms/organisations. He certainly lacks the ability and competence that is so much needed to run a good organisation.
And the least said about Tajul Islam the better. He is fit for nothing under the present circumstances. With Ershad's political canopy always on his head after he formally left the BNP in 1984, and with political patronage generously pouring out from the greater Rangpur district in his favour, he has already had more of his share. It would indeed make no big difference at all if he remains with the newest outfit or reverts to his old organisation.
Some others
Other names being heard include: Abul Hasan Choudhury Kaiser, former AL minister of state for foreign affairs, [who is not only competent otherwise but is a good soul]; General Anwarul Kabir Talukdar, rolling down from the cracked LDP, along with some other generals and retired senior bureaucrats. Former minister of state from Tangail in Zia's cabinet, Nur Mohammed Khan is also with the new political endeavour, and so is former MP from Patuakhali, Nurul Islam Moni. Former Mayor of Dhaka, late M. Hanif's son, Sayeed Khokon is also trying hard for the city's coveted slot. The conglomerate thus formed may look quite impressive on the paper no doubt, but it would finally need a strong head and active soul to take it to its final destination.
In the meantime, the voluntary resignation of the chief prosecutor of the ACC has added a new dimension to the government's various moves and should come as a great relief to the interim government's supporters, which has certainly saved it from moments of huge embarrassment. He is not an unknown quantity. Why did the present interim government appoint Advocate Mahbubur Rahman as the CP in the first place, appears a mystery. But thank Almighty God that it has been amended before much damage could be done. The coming days and weeks, I believe, shall bring us more of such interesting news, especially about the new party and its moves. Until then we shall have to wait and keep our fingers crossed.
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Anti-graft drive
Utopian aspirations draw ridicule
Fazle Rashid in New York
Philosopher Kings
Bangladesh is in search of philosopher kings. It needs a Lyceum, the school established by Plato to teach arithmetic, physical exercise, and oratory-three vital skills indispensable for the making of philosopher kings, the ideal administrators.
But, such lofty ideals are no longer workable. Party government and political patronage are now inseparable. Every MP has to nurse his constituency, which means doling out patronage. This is an acceptable norm in all the countries under democratic dispensations, be it a presidential or a parliamentary form of government. Big business houses and the government are interlocked. The former do flourish with the direct help of the latter. It is true of every democratic country.
One example: big business houses in the United States contributed more than $50 million to President Bush's inauguration ceremony for the second term. Boeing was one of the companies. When India was planning to buy aircraft but could not decide to which manufacturer- Airbus or Boeing-it should turn to, President Bush called Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and requested him to buy from Boeing. What was India's decision is not known.
Stamping out corruption, which broke out in a pandemic form in Bangladesh, is one thing and sending people to jail for possessing 15 bottles of alcohol and wine or 100 corrugated iron sheets or a few dozens of sarees meant for relief or for extortion is quite another, which has made the country's lower judiciary a laughing stock.
Corruption needs to be rooted out. There are no two opinions on this. But a demarcation line has to be drawn between corruption and what is illegal but has been accepted as a normal practice. There is hardly any government servant upward from the deputy-secretary rank who can vouch that s/he has not abused official phone or transport to send children to school or college or shopping malls in violation of rules and taken benefits which s/he is not entitles to. Many among the ruling elites are also not teetotallers.
WB, IMF, and ADB
The notion that the World Bank (WB) and the International Monetary Fund (IMF), prodded by Washington, have accelerated the process of their lending to Bangladesh is divorced from the fact.
The fact is that the WB and IMF have no takers outside Africa. Their lending process has come to a grinding halt. It is for their own survival that they have stepped up loan provision for Bangladesh. It is also true for the Asian Development Bank (ADB). The ADB's loan to Bangladesh for revamping the energy sector is in its own interests. The ADB's lending performance has been poorer than that of the WB and IMF.
The WB now fights shy of the adversarial negotiations it used to have in the past, in which it threatened (not very credibly) to deny aid unless governments promised (not very convincingly) to abide by its conditions. The bank now devotes more efforts to bolster borrowing governments rather than wring concessions from them. In effect, it now wants governments to set their own conditions that the bank's money and monitoring can help them meet. This is what the Economist wrote about the WB in a recent issue.
Nuclear Bombs
There are 8,000 nuclear bombs ready for use at a short notice, the Newsweek International disclosed in its June 9 issue. Nine countries now possess about 26,000 nuclear warheads. The USA takes the lead, followed by Russia and France. Pakistan surprisingly has an edge over India with 60 nuclear bombs ready for use against India's 50. The US defence spending of $560 billion is more than double the total defence outlay of the remaining eight nuclear countries.
Bad News for Bangladesh
The international oil market has turned volatile again. The oil price soared to $73 a barrel in the wake of Iran's decision to go for a fuel oil rationing system for domestic consumers. Iran is a major oil exporter. The rationing system has been introduced to cut gasoline consumption in anticipation of possible sanctions over its nuclear issue. Venezuela has agreed to sell gasoline to Iran. Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez, who visited Tehran recently, shares a deep antipathy toward the USA with Iran's President Ahmadinejad. The two presidents struck a series of economic deals including one to build a dairy factory in Venezuela and another for a petrochemical plant in the Persian Gulf. The UN Security Council will meet in September to discuss tougher sanctions against Iran.
Drug Manufacturers in USA
US pharmaceutical companies are appalled by a move to set up a registry for the gifts and payments they make to doctors to promote their products. There are allegations that doctors prescribe costly medicines more out of gratitude to the manufacturers rather than in patients' interests. The drug companies ply doctors with a wide range of gifts. The companies pay large sums to doctors to induce them to promote and prescribe their drugs, says a New York Times report.
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Glimpses of the Great
Sher-e-Bangla
K Z Islam
A K Fazlul Huq was an eminent political elite of the whole Indian sub-continent. Probably the only Bengali Muslim to have had this distinction. He was the President of All-India Muslim League and the Secretary of All India Congress in 1918. Fazlul Huq became a central leader as a nominated member of the Legislative Council during the period between 1916 and 1920. Under Dyarchy, he was Education Minister of Bengal in 1924 for a period of six months. He was elected President of the 'Krishak Praja Samiti' in 1929 and then he became the first President of the 'Krishak Praja Party'. He also attended two Round Table Conferences held in London to resolve the Constitutional problems of India. Fazlul Huq was elected the first Muslim Mayor of Calcutta Municipal Corporation in 1935.
'Sher-e-Bangla' (the Bengal Tiger) was how the people of Bengal greeted Fazlul Huq. He had dedicated his life to the welfare of the peasants. Jinnah was addressing the historic Muslim League session in Lahore in 1940 where the Pakistan Resolution was adopted. The audience erupted into spontaneous applause when Fazlul Huq, at that time Chief Minister of united Bengal, entered the hall. Finding his voice drowned by the public outburst Jinnah resumed his seat saying, "Now that the tiger has arrived, the lamb must retire."
Fazlul Huq led the United Front of opposition parties to victory in the 1954 election in East Pakistan and became the Chief Minister. Altaf Gauhar was appointed his Private Secretary in addition to his duties as Deputy Secretary in the Home department. A few weeks after taking over as Chief Minister Fazlul Huq went on a private visit to Calcutta where he declared, "I do not believe in the political division of the country. I am in fact not familiar with the new words Pakistan and Hindustan. When I speak of India I mean both the countries." On his return Altaf told him of the uproar that his statement had caused in the country. He looked at Altaf and asked, "Then why didn't you contradict the statement?" Altaf Gauhar was taken aback but soon realised that Fazlul Huq would say whatever he thought suited the occasion and then disown it. 'Most of the time' Altaf records 'I was drafting clarification of the Chief Minister's statements, now contradicting some denial only to deny the contradiction later.'
The people of Bengal knew their 'tiger' and loved him and he too had a genuine understanding of their problems and profound compassion for the poor. Altaf recalls a touching incident. He came, along with his wife, to see the house in which Altaf was living in Dhaka-22 Hare Road. It was a large mansion house dominated by a magnificent banyan tree standing majestically on the front lawn. The proposal was to convert it into the Chief Minister's residence. Fazlul Huq liked the house. As he was getting into the car he saw Altaf's children playing under the tree. "Where will they play when you shift into an apartment?" he asked. Before Altaf could answer Fazlul Huq had made up his mind not to deprive the children of their tree. He continued to stay in his old house at 27 K.M. Das Lane in Hatkhola.
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It's loosing credibility
ULFA allegedly turns into a terrorist outfit
Nava Thakuria in Guwahati
Facing the adamant New Delhi in pursuing peace talks, eroding mass support and continued public outrages against their misdemeanour have put the banned United Liberation Front of Asom or Assam (ULFA) in a difficult phase. The armed outfit, fighting for a 'Swadhin Asom' (independent Assam) for the people of the state has started loosing its credibility and that way inviting escalating heat of public furies from the indigenous population itself. The recent explosions in the last few weeks killing more than ten people including minors have compelled the people of Asom (Assam) to denounce the insurgent group as any other terrorist outfits.
After the initial process for talks with New Delhi through the ULFA-appointed People's Consultative Group hit a deadlock; another attempt is being made to break the ice. This time, it is a group of writers, intellectuals and social activists under the banner of the Nagarik Shanti Mancha, Asom (citizens' peace forum) that has come forward. A delegation even went to Delhi to meet the Prime Minister, but the outcome was not reassuring; New Delhi had only harsh words for ULFA leaders.
National security adviser, M K Narayanan told the team that all New Delhi was interested in was direct communication from none other than chairman Arabinda Rajkhowa or self-styled commander-in-chief Paresh Baruah expressing their willingness for direct talks without any preconditions. He also emphasised the need for the presence of emissaries of either side during these talks.
The third proposal is a little harsher for ULFA leaders. New Delhi has proposed to facilitate the outfit leaders' consulting each other. The ULFA had earlier insisted on the release of five of its central committee leaders for discussion among themselves. The latest proposal indicates that the government is not keen on releasing them, but would arrange for the ULFA leaders to make contacts with their jailed comrades.
Killings
While the peace delegation was in New Delhi, an explosion in a market on the outskirts of Guwahati shattered the people's conscience. The blast at Bullut Bazar near Hajo on 13 June resulted in the death of two persons. In an e-mailed statement the same day, Raju Barua, ULFA's military spokesperson, denied their involvement in the incident. Rather, he accused the activists of the Assam Public Works (APW), an anti-ULFA organisation, of engineering the blast.
APW chief Abhijeet Sarma denied it, lambasting the ULFA for "maintaining links with Islamic fundamentalist groups". He said, "It is their (ULFA) characteristic to put the blame on others whenever there are public protests against the killing of common people." He appealed to the people of Asom not to buy the ULFA's viewpoint as it was only "working under the guidance of fundamentalists based in Bangladesh".
It was followed by another explosion at Guwahati on 23 June. The blast near a mosque at Machkhowa killed six people and injured 14 others. While the police blamed the ULFA, the outfit once again denied its involvement. In a statement released on the same day, Raju Barua again asserted that they were "in no way involved in the blast", adding that "we strongly condemn the explosion targeting innocent civilians".
Meanwhile, repeated explosions in the state and recovery of the dead body of an abducted Food Corporation of India (FCI) official made the situation murkier. Another series of explosions in eastern Asom killed not less than four persons and wounding 50 others. The police blamed ULFA for all the explosions. The outfit, however, is yet to deny its involvement (or accept responsibility) in the last serial explosions at Tinsukia, Doomdooma and Diphu towns.
The recovery of the mutilate body of PC Ram, a senior FCI officer from a remote village of Baksa district (bordering Bhutan) was another brickbat for ULFA, as the outfit is made responsible for kidnapping him two months back. Mr Ram was kidnapped by the ULFA militants on April 17 along with his driver (later who was released) from Guwahati. The outfit demanded the release of two senior ULFA leaders in return of Mr Ram's freedom. It was also reported that ULFA wanted a ransom of few hundred thousands Indian Rupees.
"ULFA has converted itself into a terrorist outfit with continued attacks on common people. They are no longer revolutionaries, so they should be dealt with in a proper manner," argued Anil Baruah, a senior journalist based in Guwahati. The former editor of Dainik Asom, a prominent Assamese daily from the Assam Tribune group of publications, Baruah pointed out that the ULFA had every right to fight New Delhi; but, he asked: "What is the logic behind the killing of innocent people?"
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7 Bangladeshis held in Mexico
for trying to enter US illegally
Moinuddin Naser in New York
They were 15, all from the greater Noakhali district of Bangladesh. Each of them paid a human trafficker about $22,000 to take them to the United States, the land of their dreams.
They travelled through India, Russia, and Guatemala, before stopping in Mexico. The trafficker left them in a desert near the Texas border along with 60 to 70 other illegal migrants. Agents of Mexican traffickers supplied them with food.
The groups were kept five to six miles away from each other, so that if a border patrol caught one group, the other groups would have a chance to get away.
Before entering Mexico, the 15 Bangladeshis were divided into two groups. Once in Mexico, both groups waited for seven days before receiving the signal to cross the border.
A group of 35 was eventually arrested by the Mexican police after walking around the desert for two nights, putting their lives at risk. Of the 35 arrested, at least seven were Bangladeshis.
The other Bangladeshis are still at large and have not entered the US. They, however, told their relatives in the US over phone that they could not find the agent who was supposed to get them across the Mexico-US border.
About one-and-a-half years ago, at least a dozen Bangladeshis were arrested after entering Texas from Mexico. Several of them were from Noakhali. Their relatives in New York could get them released later in collaboration with the Noakhali Society.
The Bangladeshis who are currently hiding in Mexico and unable to enter the US will have little to survive on, having sold all of their possessions
back home to pay the traffickers.
Sheikh Mohammed Belal, the Minister of the Embassy of Bangladesh in Washington, D.C., said he has no information about the situation. If any Bangladeshi is arrested in Mexico, the Bangladesh embassy in Washington should be informed, because the diplomatic connection between Bangladesh and Mexico is maintained from Washington, he explained. There is no Bangladeshi embassy to Mexico.
Meanwhile, as the immigration bill debate continues in the US Senate, many Bangladeshis have been arrested in New York, New Jersey, Massachusetts, Washington Metro area, Michigan, Florida, and California. They were ordered to deport several years ago.
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