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EDITORIAL
Undoing private tuition, coaching centres
Over the decades coaching centres for school and college students have mushroomed in the capital city and elsewhere, while there has been a general slide in the quality of education. Now the job of teachers of premier public and private institutions has become one of the most lucrative occupations. They set up tuition centres in rented houses, drawing rooms, garages or any other places they think convenient where groups of learners swarm for guzzling fast food-like prepared answers.
Chief Adviser to the interim caretaker government Dr. Fakhruddin Ahmed, has directed the education ministry to take measures to stop private tuition by teachers of public educational institutions. There are no two opinions about the wisdom and timeliness of this measure. Accordingly, the education ministry has decided to take proper action to prevent teachers from this undesirable practice that destroy students' cognitive ability.
Though it is a cliché, nevertheless the maxim that 'education is the backbone of a nation' has not and will never outlive its connotation and purpose. It is true that such teachers will be hard to find who will take up the vocation as their mission. Even in the most prestigious highest seat of learning, Dhaka University, has become a laughing stock where scores of students of a department of single batch obtained first class -- unheard of anywhere on this planet. And 'varsity teachers going on leave and teaching at private universities at a fabulously high emolument has become a common phenomenon.
It will not be fair to blame pupils who attend private tutors' teaching shops because they learn too little from their teachers in the classrooms. If there were regular class tests at schools and teachers were careful in their job, there would not be any need for additional coaching. What most of the centres do is supply their students with well-written digest of texts, essays and answers to questions. The pupils learn Examiners are impressed by these first-rate answer scripts and the candidates score high marks. It is a recognised fact that parrot-fashion learning without comprehension is not only ineffectual; it is sheer waste of time. Thus the assessment is bound to be flawed and deficient; for this reason a considerable rethinking about the whole procedure is necessary to judge a student's knowledge quotient and capability.
While in public schools competent teachers are supposed to be recruited, there is dearth of such teachers in countless private schools. Again, urbanite students have much bigger exposure than their rural counterparts. It is up to the relevant authorities to formulate a comprehensive practicable policy to at least minimise, if not bridge these yawning gaps, the prevalent shortcomings.
Now about their salary which is of crucial importance. How can assistant teachers of government primary schools and lecturers of govt colleges survive with Tk. 8000 and Tk. 10,000 a month respectively? Further, it is a matter of sheer disgrace that some school teachers get lower pay than a fourth class member of the lower subordinate service in government establishments. Similarly shameful is the fact that assistant teachers of government primary schools have been placed in Grade III of the National Pay Scale. This salary structure cannot attract talented men and women to take up teaching as a profession. About non-government primary school teachers' plight the less said the better.
It is said that good teachers are costly, but bad teachers cost more. The maxim that 'the best teachers teach from the heart, not from the book' will remain a mere mockery in our context in the foreseeable future unless a turnaround and a change of heart in approach to schooling and teaching are made in right earnest. We cross our fingers in anticipation.
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Burma's icon of democracy Suu Kyi
Bangladesh envoy was the first
to contact her during 1988 turmoil
Mahmood Hasan
One shall recall that on 25 May 2007, the Military Junta of Burma (now Myanmar) extended the house arrest of Daw (Madam) Aung San Suu Kyi for another one year. Her internment was supposed to end on 27 May 2007.
The news did not come as a surprise to me. I have had the privilege to observe Aung San Suu Kyi from close quarters in Rangoon (now Yangon), in the late 1980s. I was posted to the Bangladesh Embassy in Rangoon in May 1988 as First Secretary. Founder editor of the Weekly Holiday and renowned journalist Enayetullah Khan was the Ambassador and Brigadier Ruhul Alam Choudhury was the Defence Adviser. There were only three of us in the mission with some support staff.
Shortly after my joining the mission, Burma went through political upheavals. Between June and September 1988 we witnessed the demise of the infamous Burma Socialist Programme Party (BSPP) set up by the redoubtable General Ne Win. The 'Burmese Way to Socialism' died an ignoble death at the hands of violent students uprising. As the country descended into chaos, Aung San Suu Kyi was literally thrown as the leader of the mass movement.
In March 1988, students demonstrated on the Rangoon University campus, protesting the economic hardship and demanding political and economic reforms. Police moved into the campus and brutally suppressed the demonstrators killing one student, injuring many and arresting dozens. On 13 June 1988 when the university reopened, students boycotted classes and demanded release of their comrades and political reforms. The BSPP Government headed by Gen Ne Win was nonchalant, determined that it shall be able to put down the movement by force.
On 21 June 1988, angry students took out a procession into the streets for the first time and marched towards the Parliament. They clashed with the police, which resulted in three schoolboys crushed under the wheels of a police van and six policemen lynched by the mob. The BSPP hurriedly called for an Extraordinary Congress from 23 to 25 July 1988, where Gen Ne Win resigned as President of Burma. On 27 July Sein Lwin took over as President. The 26-year rule of 'monarch' Ne Win officially came to an end on 25 July 1988.
Clearly, the BSPP was on the back foot, not knowing how to control the agitation. The movement gathered further steam and on 8 August 1988, when students and people from all walks of life marched through the streets of Rangoon and gathered in front of the City Hall, bringing the government machinery to a standstill. By midnight the number of peaceful protestors swelled to over two lakh. Sein Lwin ordered the troops to fire on the demonstrators and disperse them. The carnage took place at around 2 a.m. (9 Aug) killing hundreds of unarmed protestors. The resultant battle between the students and the soldiers on 9, 10 and 11 August had been the bloodiest in Burmese history. To this day, the massacre of 8 August 1988 (8-8-88) is known as "black day" to Burmese democracy activists.
Sein Lwin had to resign on 12 August and Dr Maung Maung took over as President. The alienated BSPP completely failed to measure the gravity of the popular mood. The popular demand boiled down to one specific point - immediate formation of a non-partisan interim caretaker government to conduct free and fair elections in a multi-party democratic system.
Underneath the political crisis lay a deep hatred against the BSPP's economic/financial policy. In September 1987 and January 1988, the government suddenly demonetised currency notes of large denominations with no compensation to any of its holders. New currency notes of strange denominations came into circulation, which were divisible by 9. Thus there were notes of Kyat (pronounced chaat) 9, 18, 45 and 90. With primitive banking facilities people tended to keep their savings in cash at home. The demonetisation had overnight pauperised the rich and poor alike. The other element that people felt suffocated about was the absence of a free press and any form of opposition political platform. The "Working Peoples Daily" was the only English Language daily with its counterpart in Burmese language.
Suu Kyi's arrival
Aung San Suu Kyi came from London to Rangoon in April 1988 to nurse her old mother, Daw Khin Kyi, who suffered a stroke. Aung San Suu Kyi was never a political activist nor did she intend to enter Burmese politics. Born in June 1945, she is the daughter of General Aung San, known as father of Burma. Gen Aung San was assassinated in 1947. On 4 Jan 1948, the Independent Union of Burma was established. Daw Khin Kyi became a prominent public figure and was appointed Ambassador of Burma to India 1960. Suu Kyi was educated in Delhi, England (Oxford) and USA. She was married to a British citizen Michael Aris, who was a researcher of Tibetan civilisation. Michael Aris and Suu Kyi had two sons - Alexander and Kim. Suu Kyi was deeply engaged in research and academic activitiess, but not politics. It was during her visit to Rangoon in April 1988 that she got embroiled in politics.
Massacres
During the months from April to August 1988, Aung San Suu Kyi was not seen in public nor did she meddle with the government. She was busy looking after her ailing mother. Michael Aris and her two sons were there in Rangoon at that time. After the 8 August 1988 massacres the situation in Rangoon deteriorated rapidly with complete breakdown of law and order. Groups of demonstrators roamed the city attacking government establishment and looting whatever came their way. Worst was the setting up of open kangaroo courts at some crossroad in Rangoon, where BSPP loyalists were brought for trial and sentenced to death. Some of these death sentences were executed by beheading the victim by sword to the glee of onlookers. In short Rangoon descended into total anarchy. The government of Dr. Maung Maung had no control over the situation. At that time worried over the security situation, Ambassador Enayetullah Khan organised evacuation of all the families of officers and staff of the Embassy to Dhaka by a special flight in early August. The male members of the mission stayed on.
It was the second week of August 1988, while Ambassador Enayetullah Khan, Brig Ruhul Alam Chowdhury and myself were standing under the chancery portico watching a large students procession pass through Prome Road, that the turning point in Aung San Suu Kyi's political life came. Further down at the crossroad the car carrying Aung San Suu Kyi was stopped by the processionists. The students requested her to stop and speak to them. Suu Kyi descended from the car and obliged by saying a few words. She said that she would work for democracy in Burma and urged the students to continue their peaceful campaign. The students were delighted that they had at last found their leader. Though Suu Kyi had no political background, she emerged as a credible political icon who had nothing to do with the BSPP or the army. She was literally thrown up to lead the movement. Her meteoric rise began.
On 15 August 1988, Aung San Suu Kyi in her first political move sent an open letter to the government, asking for the formation of independent caretaker government to prepare for multi-party elections. On 26 August, she addressed a large gathering outside Rangoon's landmark the Shwedagon Pagoda.
As the situation in Rangoon and the rest of the country continued to deteriorate, Army Chief Gen Saw Maung ousted Dr. Maung Maung and took over power on 18 September 1988. Gen Saw Maung declared martial law and set up the feared "State Law and Order Restoration Committee" (SLORC). All outdoor political activities were banned.
The National League for Democracy (NLD) was formed on 27 September 1988 with Aung San Suu Kyi as General Secretary. Suu Kyi believed in nonviolent movement - no confrontation with the Army was her strategy. Thus began the chequered political career of a lady, who was considered the only trustworthy political leader in a country subjugated and destroyed by "Papa" Ne Win during his 26-year rule. The idiosyncratic Ne Win had strangled all forms of political activity in Burma. It left the people totally uninitiated in politics. Forming political parties, holding meetings and maintaining dialogue with all stakeholders was completely absent in the Burmese polity. The army also played its dirty role by implanting spies in all the political parties that sprang up at that time. More than 60 political parties registered with the General Election Commission when Gen Saw Maung promised multi-party elections. There was no dialogue among the party leaders. There was distrust among party leaders.
Suu Kyi invited
The law and order situation slowly returned to normal in Rangoon, following the Army take over. It was at that time that Ambassador Enayetullah Khan came up with the idea of meeting Aung San Suu Kyi. It was the first week of October 1988 when he rang her up and invited her to lunch at the Embassy. Enayetullah Khan asked me to go to Aung San Suu Kyi's house and escort her. At around 1 pm, I went to her University Avenue family house on Inya Lake in the Ambassador's car. It is a two-storied house with open space around it. When I introduced myself, she greeted me with a smile and said that she was ready to leave. Michael Aris also came up to shake my hand.
When we arrived at the Embassy residence Enayetullah Khan warmly greeted Aung San Suu Kyi and Michael Aris. Brigadier Chowdhury was also at hand to welcome the couple. Among the other guests were Dr. Chit Sun (next door neighbour of Amb. Khan) and Uncle Leo Nichols (a Greek who had settled in Rangoon long ago and friend of Suu Kyi. He was subsequently arrested and tortured to death by SLORC).
Uninitiated in politics, Aung San Suu Kyi had a lot of queries for Enayetullah Khan, an old hand in Bangladesh politics. Amb. Khan emphasised the need to have a strong organisation with dedicated workers. He also urged Aung San Suu Kyi to have a flexible attitude in order to achieve her goals. Enayetullah Khan presented her with a compilation of 'Weekly Holiday' articles. Suu Kyi was a good listener, intelligent and very articulate. She spoke freely with all of us. Suu Kyi confirmed that she did not come to Rangoon to join politics, but the situation was such that she could not say no the students. She was interested in our Liberation War and subsequent political developments. Michael Aris seemed to be interested in sociological topics and not so much in politics. After the long lunch rendezvous - I again accompanied the couple back to their residence. Ironically, Aung San Suu Kyi's house is just opposite that of Gen Ne Win's across the placid Inya Lake.
Enayetullah Khan was the first diplomat in Rangoon to have had any contact with Suu Kyi in those stormy days. Many other ambassadors in Rangoon at that time were envious that Bangladesh had made the first contact with this frail but elegant and astute lady. Enayetullah Khan maintained his contact with Suu Kyi through Leo Nichols, as there were restrictions on diplomats.
Daw Khin Kyi died in end of December 1988. Between September 1988 and May 1990 Suu Kyi campaigned relentlessly throughout the country despite harassments, arrests and killing of NLD supporters by the Army. Suspicious and fearful of her popularity the SLORC placed her under house arrest in July 1989. Despite her internment, NLD won the election with 392 seats in the parliament of 492 seats. SLORC never recognised the results of the election. In 1991 the Norwegian Nobel Committee awarded the Peace Prize to Aung San Suu Kyi, a prisoner of conscience. Her famous speech "Freedom from Fear" is worth reading, which begins - "It is not power that corrupts but fear. Fear of losing power corrupts those who wield it and fear of the scourge of power corrupts those who are subject to it". Her two sons Alexander and Kim accepted the prize on behalf of their mother, and live in London. Michael Aris died of cancer in London in March 1999. She was never allowed to speak to her husband over phone.
Personal sacrifice
The brutal military junta, which has no respect for Human Rights, has repeatedly tried to expel Suu Kyi. She defiantly refused to leave, knowing well that if she left Rangoon she will never be allowed to return to Burma. The personal sacrifice she has made during the past seventeen years for the suffering people of Burma is unprecedented. She has been threatened, harassed, abused -- yet she held her head high. No amount of international pressure has worked on the Junta to release her. Her personal safety remains a big worry for all democratically minded people around the globe.
I get a nostalgic feeling whenever I see news reports on Aung San Suu Kyi. It was Bangladesh, more so Ambassador Enayetullah Khan, who imparted the first lessons on politics to Aung San Suu Kyi. I hope and pray that sooner, rather than later Aung San Suu Kyi, the undisputed leader of Burma, will be freed to lead her people.
The writer is a former Ambassador and Sectretary.
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VIEW POINT
Blight of political front organisations
Golam Mostafa
We earnestly appreciate the Government's decision to ban the blight of political front organisations in the greater interest of the country and the people as well. This was a long cherished demand of the general people, but they could not express because of fear of intimidation by the members of the political front organisations.
The political front organisations are harmful to the nation, as these organisations contribute to the inefficiency of the administration, enhance corrupt practices in the offices, augment indiscipline and disorder among the servants of the Republic. The political front organisations in the offices create frustration among the honest and dedicated officers/staff members by undue interference in the administration and insulting officers -- sometimes by applying physical force on them.
Again, as there exists different front organisations of different political parties, if one party comes to power, the members of other front political organisations start noncooperation in the activities of the Government. Thus the efficiency of the offices falls down at least by 40 per cent to 45 per cent. In addition, the front leaders entangled in the party in power have heydays, do not work and engage themselves to make their fortune.
If we look at the political front organisations run by students and patronised by the political parties, the scenario is quite disappointing and terrific. In any neighbouring country, it is difficult to trace a single example that the students are uncertain of their career and do not know when they could complete their education. Such a mess one cannot expect even in Pakistan.
Heartiest thanks to the Caretaker Government for accomplishing such a splendid job. We would also like to request the future governments to renounce their front organisations.
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LETTERS
Save planet earth which we all share
Dear Editor:
"Look after this planet, it's the only one we have". This is a personal message from World Wide Fund for nature president HRH The Duke of Edinburgh.
Long before that came a warning from one of the greatest British philosophers Bertrand Russell which reads: "Man even if he does not commit scientific suicide, will perish ultimately through the failure of water or air or warmth". Many more messages and warnings have been made by world scientists, distinguished persons, climatologists in this respect. Even the nature came out with it's fury in different ways like Tornado, Acid rain, Tsunami, Flood, Earthquake, Landslide etc. These types of catastrophes are happening every day in some part of the earth. But we remained un-moved and still damaging the only planet we live in.
The destruction of forests, killing of animals, birds and other living species, pollution of soils, rivers, air etc. are going on without caring the consequences. The earth is now facing the most dangerous threat from greenhouse effect that makes it warmer thus causing the ice to melt. If it goes on unchecked from emission of gas from hundred thousands of industrial plants of the developed countries will cause serious damage to ozone layer which is beneficial for the nature.
With that is added diverting the natural flow of the rivers causing siltation, filling of canals, polluting rivers/canals with industrial waste. By damaging natural system we are putting our own survival at risks. The cumulative effects of all these will make the nature imbalanced thus causing human disaster. So all of us including nature conservation bodies are required to limit any further serious damage to nature and restore the balance between man and his natural environment.
With the melting of ice from green house effect the sea level will go higher by few meters. If that happens, surely it will happen unless otherwise tackled, the low lying countries including Bangladesh will go under water. The irony of fate is that the countries which are mostly responsible for gas emission from their hundred thousands of the industrial plants will suffer less because they have money, technology and men to tackle it. But what about the poor countries having none of them? They will have to suffer for the acts of other developed countries.
M. A. Alim,
Former Banker
42/B- 1, Indira Road, Dhaka.
Corruption should be eradicated
Dear Editor:
According to a newspaper report a judge took bribe from the forest department officials during the tenure of office of the Adviser to the immediate past caretaker government. This judge knew that he would hold the office of the Adviser to the caretaker government for 3 months or so as per constitution. We could not understand how this corrupt judge got the opportunity to become Adviser to the immediate past Caretaker Government. It takes time to gather experience in corrupt practice like bribery.
Judges are dignified persons. People honour them very much. If this allegation of bribery is true, this Adviser should be given exemplary punishment in the interest of the nation.
A.M.K.Chowdhury,
West Masdhair
Narayangonj.
Corruption and political betrayal
Dear Editor:
As a veteran citizen, I find it shocking the way our political leaders betrayed the nation regarding the trust placed on the chosen reps of the people. It is our fault-we spoiled them, placed them in the basket on the head, and paraded the streets of the impoverished. No greater cheats could perform better - with no greater sacrifice by the millions of voters. The 1971 sacrifice has been nullified by greed, hypocrisy and self-interest. Do we have to redefine the term 'public interest' and patriotism- for a couple of crore Taka?
If the general elections are hurried, there would remain two danger areas: questionable elected politicians; and continued absence from the parliament of the opposition. These two negative cultures have to be wiped out completely. Or reduced to within controllable limits. We were patient for three decades. There are two aspects of corrupt practices, the giver and the taker and the rulers and the ruled. In our society today morality has no backbone (at least with those who count). Therefore Operation Cleanup has many dimensions- a mole cannot remove a mountain or hillock. Credibility, image and face values are involved. How may would pass the tests? What has happened to leadership qualities? The head is working: not the heart.
The Government's greatest weakness is centralisation and lack of communication. During the British period, if a citizen wrote a letter to any government office, it was first acknowledged through a printed postcard; then action taken would be intimated. Today there is no courtesy in public service. The politicians talk down to the people, and the bureaucrats are inaccessible. There are very few one-stop service centres (to cope with the bureaucratic maze). Nepotism and favouritism are rampant. If you are neutral, you are ignored.
Before democracy (imitation of the rich West) comes, the system network, run by honest and efficient personnel. Then enforce the concepts, till it becomes a habit.
A Mahasen,
Asad Gate, Dhaka.
Admission to intermediate course
Dear Editor:
The decision taken by the government to admit to intermediate course in different colleges according the CGPA (Cumulative Grade Point Average) is a good one. It will ensure that all the colleges start the intermediate classes from the beginning of the academic calendar/year. Students will get more time to concentrate on vast intermediate syllabus.
Saifuddin Tinku,
Motijheel, Dhaka.
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