EDITORIAL

Quest for societal harmony

Linguistically, culturally and ethnically homogenous, the Bangladesh polity is also a unique amalgam of opposites as regards political views. Indeed, homogeneity could not pave the path to political unity. Far from that. Since the very outset, soon after the independence the ruling party created a division among the people by denigrating those who did not cross the borders in 1971. Party men did not realise that it was practically impossible for a whole populace to migrate en masse, nor could such a situation of wholesale migration be tackled even by the United Nations. With witch-hunt on, fear of persecution loomed large and the media were apprehensive of reprisal and avoided printing facts unpalatable to the regime. At such a terrible time a singular voice of dissent, the Holiday and its editor Enayetullah Khan, echoed and ventilated the public panic in his historic commentary - "65 million collaborators" - which adroitly portrayed the innocent helpless millions' wretchedness.
   Such strong adherence to partisan politics and absolute position of hardliners have often engendered grievous rivalry which has sometimes flared up resulting in mortal violence leaving many activists dead and many more maimed. But discordant divisiveness could certainly be avoided with a little bit of pragmatism.
   It is a truism that the nation stood as one man only once in 1971 when the body politic felt that the Pakistan Army be taught a good lesson in retaliation of the horrific genocide unleashed by the marauding bands of occupation forces on the unarmed masses. The country won freedom at the cost supreme sacrifices of thousands of intrepid freedom fighters. Having spent the best part of his life in prison, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, then the apple of the eye of millions, emerged as the unquestioned leader. But that love for Mujib was euphoric, and reverence for him faded and waned soon. While lack of evenhanded and unbiased administration and price spiral angered the common man, proponents of the 'scientific socialism' openly challenged the leader's authority and clash ensued between them and the Rakhhi Bahini. Vitriolic diatribe apart, the then Jatiya Samajtantric Dal (JSD) leaders hurled virulent abuses against Mujib and claimed that the government forces had killed hundreds of JSD workers and activists and repressed many more. This is how the once highly respected Sheikh Mujib became a controversial politician, his personal charisma declining rapidly. But the great leader had that much political maturity and acumen not to claim for himself, or force upon the country the title of 'father of the nation', notwithstanding the best efforts of his sycophants to do so. Perhaps this very idea might have embarrassed Mujib who had directly worked under the leadership of Moulana Bhashani, the founder President of the Awami Muslim League, later Awami League. Bhashani organised the historic Kagmari conference in 1955 to give a loud and clear message -- the famous "Walaikum Salam" -- to the Pakistan government that the Banglaees want freedom. In November 1970 he reiterated his call for independence at Paltan Maidan. Another celebrated figure was Sher-e-Bangla in whose 1940 Muslim League resolution at Lahore of 'two states'- after 1947 partition the Pakistanis conveniently singularised the plural noun 'states' into 'state', thus doctoring the original speech which contained the seed of Bangladesh.
   The concept of one national figure is not universal inasmuch as some countries are without one, though all states have had great statesmen who not only decided their nation's destiny but also left great ideals and indelible marks on the sands of time for posterity as well as for other nations to emulate.
   To look back to the world at large, President George Washington's contributions were clear to his contemporaries in USA, even so they unreservedly honour over fifty statesmen of the time.
   'Founding Fathers of the United States'-- also known to some Americans as the 'Fathers of Our Country', the 'Forefathers', 'Framers' or 'Founders' -- are the men who signed the Declaration of Independence, US Constitution or otherwise participated in the American Revolution as leaders of the Patriots. The US Declaration of Independence was signed by 56 leaders.
   Unusual though, apparently at the behest of President Hamid Karzai, the 2003 draft constitution of Afghanistan, awarded the title Father of the Nation to Mohammed Zahir Shah, the King of Afghanistan, who was deposed long ago. This step has been interpreted as an effort towards unity by accommodating people who favour monarchy.
   Again, not all "fathers of the nations" are retained. During his reign in the Soviet Union, for example, Joseph Stalin was promoted and seen by millions of Soviet citizens as father of the nation. The admiration and love for him was so stupendously genuine that a wave of suicides was recorded after Stalin's death. But within only a few years, the scale of his repression began to be made evident, leading to his condemnation by successor Nikita Khruschev and the removal of his body from the mausoleum.
   Politicians are forgotten, but statesmen are forever remembered for their uncommon ability to have total grasp of situations; this they achieve through retrospection, foresight, introspection and pragmatism for bridging gaps among divergent groups having diverse opinions and at times conflicting ideas. Introspective, considerate and thoughtful leaders crave for unity, harmony and unanimity among the masses. They unite people for cohesiveness to build a well-structured good society free from sleaze and corruption in all its manifestations. Whether one likes it or not, it is an obvious truth that as regards politics, the country's people are clearly divided into two broad segments: pro-Awami League and pro-BNP. And both the parties have quite large following, and this reality may not be wished away. For the sake of harmonising the polity some more reflections can be rewarding for all. We nourish no utopian dream; we crave for a good society. So be it.

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Beijing's priorities as seen
by independent analyst

Adam Wolfe

The National People's Congress (N.P.C.), China's highest legislative body, is known to be a rubber stamp institution for the Communist Party, but its annual meeting also provides perhaps the best opportunity for insight into the ruling party's priorities and internal debates. This year's N.P.C., which reached its conclusion on March 16, was no exception. The debate over the communist country's first private property law spilled over into the public sphere, exposing internal debates around the opposing forces of capitalism and communism. Other measures that were controversial outside of China, such as an increase in defense spending, faced little dissension within the Great Hall of the People.
   This year's N.P.C. shows that China's leaders are paying increased attention to the social and economic divides between the rural, inland provinces and the booming, coastal cities. However, much of the legislation passed will benefit the upper and middle classes in the cities far more than the poor rural areas.
   
   Targeting disparity
   Premier Wen Jiabao focused on the widening income gap in his opening remarks. He asked China's provincial leaders not to focus purely on economic growth figures, but rather on the quality of growth. To this end, he set a targeted growth rate at eight per cent, much lower than the double-digit rates China has come to expect. Wen and President Hu Jintao, however, have set similar targets for the economy in the past, only to have the directives ignored at the local level. This is unlikely to change this year.
   The rural-urban divide is worsening in China, and with it social divisions are being strained. Rural incomes average 3,465 yuan (US$448) a year, or about one-third of those in the coastal areas. A much cited and disputed figure puts the number of rural protests in 2005 at 87,000, compared to 11,000 a decade ago. This division set off the largest mass migration in modern history, as rural residents seek a better life in the coastal areas, with or without the proper authorization from the authorities. As such, the N.P.C. passed legislation to improve conditions in the rural provinces to stem this migration and calm the protest movements.
   Last year's N.P.C. focused on reducing the tax burden of rural residents by eliminating agricultural and livestock taxes. This year, the focus was on improving social services and infrastructure in the western provinces. Spending on rural areas is to be expanded by 15.3 per cent over last year's level to 391.7 billion yuan($50.6 billion). As part of this initiative, 10.1 billion yuan ($1.3 billion) will be used to expand medical coverage to more rural areas, almost doubling the amount from last year. However, many do not participate in the state co-op medical system because they do not trust their local authorities.
   To calm the protests of migrant workers, a new law will give some representation to migrant workers, who currently have few legal protections. Provinces and municipalities with large numbers of migrant workers will set aside a delegate quota for next year's N.P.C. for the migrant groups living in their jurisdiction. Nevertheless, because many migrants do not move with permission of the authorities, it is unlikely that they will be given accurate representation.
   While much of the talk focused on social issues, the majority of the legislation at the N.P.C. dealt with matters of economy and security. The spending approved also demonstrates the priorities of the ruling party. While spending on rural areas was increased by 15.3 percent, the defense budget was increased by 17.8 percent. Matters of business taxation and private property consumed much of the N.P.C.'s attention, even if the outcome of these debates was predetermined by the party leaders. As a result, it is unlikely that the rural-urban divide will improve much in China; in fact, it will probably continue to worsen. China's leaders know that conditions must improve for rural residents, but they believe that maintaining rising living standards on the coastal areas will eventually lead to the wealth spreading inland. Also, while rural protests are a concern for the Chinese Communist Party, avoiding the development of a mass urban protest movement is critical.
   
   Private property debate
   Private property has enjoyed some protections since the early 1990s in China, and a much-debated constitutional amendment gave private ownership the same legal weight as public ownership in 2004. The constitution, however, does not have the same legal weight as it does in the United States, for example, and without a law approved by the N.P.C., legal uncertainties about the legal status of private property would have remained.
   The N.P.C. came close to passing a similar law last year, but the Party's old guard sparked a public debate and the bill was pulled before it could be voted on. This year, Wen and the leadership curtailed public debate on the subject - Wen did not mention the law in his opening address, and a financial magazine that ignored a press ban on the issue was promptly pulled from the shelves -and forced the passage of the law.
   The issue is controversial because it challenges the communist nature of the state. In China, the ruling party is called the Public Property Party. If private property is given the same legal weight as that of the public, the old guard fears that the authority of the state will be undermined. However, others in the ruling party, led by the business elites who have been admitted since 2002, argue that the legal status of private property must be guaranteed if the economic boom is to continue. In the end, the leadership decided to play lip service to the concerns of the old guard, while appeasing the demands of the business elite. While the Communist Party can withstand criticism from leftist scholars, it does not wish to take on business leaders or the emerging middle class that has emerged from their enterprises.
   The new private property law that was passed on the closing day of the N.P.C. will do little to alter the existing status quo, but it will provide legal certainty to owners in urban areas. While all of the Chinese mainland will remain under the ownership of the Communist Party, urban usage rights will be granted for up to 70-year periods, with a guaranteed renewal in most cases. Usage rights for rural land, however, will only be granted for periods of up to 30 years, and while new protections are granted for renewals, it will be up to the local officials to enforce them. Most of the complaints over forced land seizures have been directed at corrupt local leaders, and the law will do nothing to resolve these disputes.
   
   Revision of tax code
   Another important law passed at the N.P.C. will revise the tax code to put domestic and foreign companies on equal footing. For nearly 30 years, China's tax code has encouraged foreign direct investment by offering a better tax rate for foreign firms over domestic firms. Foreign companies have paid as little as 15 per cent, whereas domestic firms were taxed at up to 33 per cent. Also, domestic firms often used the law to avoid paying the higher rate by "round tripping" their profits out of mainland China to the British islands and other tax havens, then back again.
   Going forward, with some exceptions for high-technology companies and "low-profit enterprises," all firms will pay the same 25 per cent rate. This will be phased in over a period of five years, with the taxes on foreign firms rising no more than two per cent each year. While the practical effects of the bill will be negligible, the symbolic value is immense. It signals an end to the period in which foreign management and technology was given preference over China's domestic offerings.
   The main beneficiaries of the law will be China's state-owned banks. The timing of the law's passage is important for this sector because they are to come under increased pressure from foreign banks as China implements the World Trade Organization's mandates for inclusion.
   
   Defense budget hike
   A bill that faced little internal debate was probably the most controversial measure with foreign governments. The N.P.C. passed a bill to increase military spending by 17.8 per cent. This was the 19th year of double digit increases for defense spending, but the largest increase in five years. The increase will pay for higher salaries for incoming soldiers and the retirement of about 200,000 low-ranking soldiers who are to be replaced by improved technologies. The increase is also likely to improve information systems for "networked" warfare and moving the navy toward "blue water" status.
   Outside of China, the critics were not so much concerned about another increase in spending -after all, uniformed military make up about ten per cent of the N.P.C. - but, rather the increase was used as another excuse to criticize the lack of transparency in China's military spending. Washington, Tokyo, Canberra, and Taipei all criticized Beijing for not disclosing how the defense budget will be spent or the strategic goals of China's military build-up. Officially, the increase will bring China's defense spending to 350.92 billion yuan ($45.32 billion), but most estimates put the figure closer to double this amount once large-scale weapons purchases and military research and development expenditures are included.
   Another reason for concern is that the announcement comes on the eve of a reshuffle of the U.S. command. The current U.S. Pacific Command chief, Admiral William J. Fallon, is being moved to Central Command in the Middle East. He has been a driving force for closer contact with the Chinese military; he increased the frequency of dialogue with his Chinese counterparts; and he was involved in the first joint-training exercises with China in 2006. He claimed success for this approach when China contacted him shortly before North Korea tested an atomic device last year. Admiral Timothy J. Keating is replacing Fallon. His public statements indicate that he will continue to build upon Fallon's approach, but China may interpret some of his criticisms surrounding its anti-satellite test as too harsh.
   Within Washington, China's military is often cited as the reason for increased spending on expensive defense projects, especially for the navy and air force. It remains to be seen if the United States will move toward closer military cooperation with China, or if it will continue to drift toward competition. The lack of transparency in Beijing's defense spending also increases the risk that a conflict could be sparked between the United States and China because Washington lacks a clear vision of Beijing's strategic goals.
   The new private property law and business tax code demonstrate Beijing's confidence in the role of private business in the country's future. Beijing is no longer as concerned about importing knowledge from foreign companies, and most of the tax benefits that encouraged this will be phased out. Domestic firms will be given a more level playing field, and the private property law is designed to protect their earnings.
   Wen's ability to force through the private property law at this year's session, while putting the spotlight on the measures designed to tackle the urban-rural divide, seems to ensure that his position as premier will remain intact after the upcoming 17th National Congress to beheld this fall. While the N.P.C. provides an annual glimpse into the inner workings of China's government, it is at the National Congress where power is determined every five years. President Hu is likely to re-nominate Wen after his performance this year at the N.P.C. More important to watch will be who Hu and Wen position to become the next generation of leaders in the Chinese Communist Party.
   Copyright: Power and Interest News Report (PINR).
   Contact: enquiries@pinr.com

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For a good democratic government

Dear Editor:
   Although I have no doubt that the present interim government, with such capable persons will certainly try to give our poor nation a sensible future; bring in reforms like making the Judiciary independent, establishing the office of Ombudsman, having a mechanism of accountability, preparing new and correct voter list or voter ID cards and give the nation a free and fair election to elect honest people to run a truly democratic government.
   For a good functioning democratic government, it is also very necessary to strengthen the local government bodies. The elected governments for the last 15 years have not made any positive move to strengthen this body as they wanted to control all the Upazilas and Zillas etc through the UNOs and DCs. Winner takes all has been the policy.
   By having elected bodies, in charge of development of their area, of course not all position would be occupied by the ruling party people; how healthy would have been the functioning of democracy if opposition were to have some role in the development of their local areas. People expect the MPs to make roads, bridges etc in their area and with the present trend, MPs have very little function with the development programmes unless he or she is from the ruling party.
   Prof. Yunus had a good suggestion that all MPs will also be Upazilla Chairmen of their area. That way MPs will need to spend time in their constituencies and have more contact with people. They will need to function well to be re-elected.
   I also strongly feel that reforms should be made to change the rules of business of the bureaucracy so that they are no longer politicized and used for political purpose.
   Unfortunately none of these reforms or changes will be made by our political governments. Therefore here is a chance for the present government to bring in these reforms before a credible, free and fair elections are held. Otherwise, although the elections will be fair, the elected Governments will resort to the same mischief and end up again with this crisis.
   The very recent interview of the Chief Army Staff, Lt. Gen. Moeen Ahmed is most heartening. The army has been playing a very positive role and I hope it will continue to serve the nation and help in bringing some order in politics so that good and honest people can come forward to better the image of our nation.
   We also wonder, under what rule, the two former prime ministers are enjoying such privileges like use of expensive government cars and all the paraphernalia etc, costing the exchequer a huge amount.
   I was once traveling to Delhi and while waiting in the Airline Lounge at Dhaka airport, I saw former Caretaker Govt. chief, Justice Habibur Rahman in the lounge. I don't know why he was not given the privilege of using the VIP lounge. He seemed quite happy and did not complain..
   Who are entitled to use the VIP lounge in Dhaka airport.
   The Interim Govt. has decided to arrest and file cases against the corrupt and the so called godfathers. Let us hope that none will be spared, no nepotism etc will be there and the actions will be judiciously applied on all.
   Wajid Ali Khan Panni,
   Former Deputy Foreign Minister and High Commissioner

Dear Editor:
   After a quarter century of dissipation since 1972, the nation is experiencing a change, from ebb tide (leakage, slow bleeding) to flow tide: from minus to plus. A change is being witnessed in capital Dhaka - the tone of governance is changing. The effects of this have to be made lasting. The majority are denied benefits. Evil and rich syndicates have lasting power, and well-spread networks. It is an epidemic; and the antidote is mass movement against corrupt practices.
   A Mawaz,
   Dhaka.

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Voting right of overseas Bangladeshis

Dear Editor:
   Thanks to Mr ATM Shamsul Huda, the CEC and his team of Commissioners for their initiative for facilitating voting rights of the Bangladeshis abroad. There are as many as 70 lakh overseas Bangladeshis who have been denied the right to participate in the national election and thereby refused to have a say in framing the government in our country of origin; it was an unfair gesture.
   We are major foreign exchange earners for those in power in the country and moreover our investments in business and commerce, provide incomes and revenue for the country; but ironically our right to franchise had been discounted on political consideration. This is not a new concept to allow voting right to expatriates which prevails in developed countries.
   "Honesty is the best policy", and Dr M Yunus, the founder of Nagorik Shakti, has played the correct tune to march ahead.
   M A Gafur Howlader,
   95 Woodstock Avenue
   London NW11 9RH

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National leaders should be recognised

Dear Editor:
   I am very happy to know that at last the nation is going to recognise our national leaders and also give them due places in history according to their contributions towards the creation of Bangladesh. I wrote 4 to 5 letters on this particular issue since 2003 which were published in the Holiday and another newspaper.
   By recognising Maulana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhashani as the Dreamer of Bangladesh, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman as the Founder/Architect of Bangladesh, Ziaur Rahman as the Proclaimer of Independence as well as Builder of Bangladesh and also Tajuddin Ahmed and General M.A.G. Osmani for playing major roles during our Liberation War in 1971 we are going to be united again.
   No more controversy or debate or division. Enough is enough. As a patriot it is our obligation and responsibility to respect and honour them as they are our national leaders. The best way to show respect to our national leaders is to build statues like that of Language Martyrs either at Surhrawardy Udyan or at Kalurghat or at Mujib Nagar.
   I shall also be happy if a Pillar of Hatred is built at Surhrawardy Uddan to remind the nation about the Rajakars, Al-Badrs and Al-Shams for collaborating with the Pakistani Army in 1971.
   Iqbal Ahmed,
   New Eskaton,
   Dhaka.

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GP should honour Bhasani, Mujib, Zia, Tajuddin, Osmani

Dear Editor:
   I request Grameen Phone (GP) to come forward and with the help of Ministry of Liberation War Affairs build a sculpture with bronze busts of five national leaders, Maolana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhasani, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, Ziaur Rahman, Tajuddin Ahmed and General M A G Osmani along with terracotta mural depicting our Liberation War either at Suhrawardy Udyan or at Kalughat or at Mujib Nagar.
   Grameen should also build a Pillar of Hatred at Suhrawardy Uddan, where the people will go and show their anger and hatred to the Razakars, Al-Badrs and Al-Shams for helping the Pakistani army to commit worst genocide in 1971. If the Grameenphone takes this initiative to do so then each and every Bangladeshi, both at home and abroad will appreciate it.
   Iqbal Ahmed,
   Dhaka.

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